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Jan. 9, 2022 - Radio Renaissance - Jared Taylor
18:44
Jared Taylor on "Borderline" (1996)
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We're back, and we're going to continue our discussion about the impact of the 1965 law on America today with a provocative author, editor, speaker, Jared Taylor, editor of American Renaissance, which is a publication and newsletter which he can tell us about,
as well as author of a recent book, Created Quite a Sensation, Paid with Good Intentions.
Jared, welcome.
Thank you.
What's your take on the 65 Act and what it's doing to America today?
Oh, gosh.
Well, I think it was a terrible mistake.
And the aspect of it that I tend to focus on, because it's the one that is on many people's minds, but that so few people are willing to talk about, is, in effect, the racial issue.
And up until the 65 Act, immigration was mostly European.
And since the 65 Act, it's mostly been Third World.
And as a consequence, we have an immigration policy that's going to reduce whites to a minority population if things continue as they are.
Now, the general atmosphere...
If things continue as they are, when does that happen?
That happens...
Good point.
That happens at about 2050, according to current trends.
But whites will be a minority of the population 18 years and younger by about 2030.
So that's just 30...
Thirty-four years from now.
And whites will be a majority in much older age brackets for much longer?
That's right.
For another maybe 15, 20 years, there will be an overall majority, and as you point out, in the older age brackets up until maybe 2070, something like that.
So in, say, 2050, the politics of America will be characterized by what?
Well, it'll be characterized, I suspect, by an enormous amount of tension between older whites and younger non-whites.
If we have this current system, and I doubt we will have one of entitlements and Social Security and all of these things for older people, I think that the burden will be increasingly upon non-whites to pay for benefits of people that they're not related to, people to whom they may have no particular loyalty.
Now, when we talk about 2050, that's within the lifetime of people alive today.
Yes, it is.
Probably not my lifetime.
Well, we can all hope.
Well, maybe, but certainly our kids, right?
That's right.
Who are born today.
Yes. Well, you know, they talk about how when we hit the year 2000, all these computers are going to go on the fritz because they're not calibrated for the OOO.
They're calibrated for 90th, 96th, the 20th century, basically.
But we also have in a society, we talk about majority.
Right. Right.
Right. Right.
Right. You're not talking about anybody.
I mean, there's a whole set of jurisprudence around that idea.
Well, it's not just jurisprudence.
I think it's a very, very basic fact of what the texture of our society is going to be like.
I mean, are we not supposed to notice or care that whites are going to become a minority?
Are we supposed to think that's a good thing?
Is it really legitimate to ask the question, is that a good thing for America?
Is that a good thing for white people?
Or are whites not supposed to have any interests as a particular group?
Do whites have an interest in being the majority?
I think they do.
What are those interests?
Because it's pretty clear that all of those parts of the United States where non-whites become a majority, the social organization, the texture of life changes in ways that whites generally do not find particularly attractive.
And what's the measure of that dissatisfaction?
Well, the measure of that dissatisfaction is a very simple one.
They leave.
Now, we're all supposed to be celebrating diversity, and we're all supposed to be subscribing to this late 20th century myth that race can be made not to matter, but when it really comes to what matters in people's lives, who they marry, where they live, where they send their children to school,
whom they invite to dinner, well, race does matter.
Aren't blacks also leaving the high-impact areas, too, where immigrants are?
Well, that's right, but they're moving because, not because blacks are moving in, but because many of the people coming in are not black.
I read a very poignant interview with the president of a black homeowner society in South Los Angeles.
She was talking about Mexicans.
She says, these people, they listen to different music.
You can't talk the same language to them.
Their practices are different.
Their sports are different.
It's like oil and water.
We don't want them here.
And that...
Much as we decry that kind of attitude, that is a perfectly natural, normal, healthy reaction.
People don't like that kind of demographic change.
Okay. Do people gravitate to people that they are comfortable with?
And do whites have an interest in being a majority in this country?
Is it even permissible to ask?
We want to hear from you.
Give us a call with your comments and questions.
We know you want to get in on this conversation.
1-800-5000-NET.
This is Borderline.
I'm here with Jared Taylor, editor of American Renaissance.
I'm Dan Stein, and this is Borderline.
Borderline.
You'll be able to communicate directly to FAIR's website.
We're back.
We're talking to Jared Taylor.
We're talking about the question of immigration, ethnicity, and race.
Peter Brimlow, in one of his recent books called Alien Nation, he said in politics, I think he said race is destiny in American politics.
What do you think he meant by that?
How does that relate to what you're talking about?
Well, if you said that, he stole that line from Benjamin Disraeli.
Benjamin Disraeli said race is destiny.
I think the point Disraeli was making, it's one that was common in previous decades and previous centuries, but nobody dares say it today, and that is all around the world you see people of different races building consistently different societies.
And wherever you find them, Chinese, overseas Chinese, mainland Chinese, they build a certain kind of society.
It's the same with Europeans.
Whether they're in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the United States, back in Europe, they build a certain particular kind of society.
And it's in that sense that Disraeli said race is destiny.
Now, I think Peter Brimelow was hinting in that direction, but I'm not sure just how far he'd go in taking the squarely racialist position that Disraeli was taking.
Well, what do you think it means?
Well, I think I tend to agree with Disraeli.
I don't see much to disprove him since the several decades in which he made that observation.
Wasn't the Voting Rights Act, in a sense, a kind of recognition of that in an American sense?
You're talking about the modification of the Voting Rights Act, which created gerrymandered voting districts.
You see, that's an excellent example of the schizophrenia our government suffers from when it comes to race.
In terms of housing or schooling, we're all supposed to pretend that race doesn't matter for anything.
And yet when it comes to voting, our government drew these special districts so that non-whites could vote non-whites in the office.
The assumption being that, well, gosh, race does matter.
Well, does it or doesn't it?
My view is race definitely matters.
And this undertaking we've had for the last several decades, well, since about the 1960s, that we're going to build a society in which race can be made not to matter.
It's just as much a misreading of human nature as what the Socialists tried to do, the Communists, that we were going to build a society from each according to his ability to each according to his need.
That didn't work.
Human nature doesn't work that way.
Wasn't there, in a sense, a fundamental belief in'65 that the ethnic base of the country was static?
Whites would be probably 85 to 90 percent of the American populace indefinitely, and so the special privileges for...
Minorities were designed to give them a leg up in the face of this overwhelming power control of a white-dominated society, right?
And doesn't that analysis change in the face of what you're talking about, where if you're going to have a society where there is no majority...
Where you have highly organized ethnic groups, Asians, Hispanics, African-Americans, white Americans, or whatever.
Doesn't that analysis have to change?
Yes, it does.
I think, though, you're talking about two slightly different things.
I think everyone did assume that whites were going to continue to be the majority.
And they took it for granted they were comfortable with that.
Even Ted Kennedy.
Who now is saying it's wonderful, it's diverse.
I don't really believe he thought that the demographic situation of the United States is going to change.
So here is this notion of we always thought that America was essentially a European nation.
It's going to cease to be a European nation if things keep going the way they are.
And none of the sponsors of the 65 Act are willing to admit that, right?
They're not willing to admit that.
I don't think that they anticipated it or wanted it.
I mean, we can't read their minds.
Nobody thought it was going to happen.
But at this point, because everyone is...
We're so intimidated on the question of race, we're not even supposed to notice or care that whites will be reduced to a minority.
Even this question of the ethnic base of the culture, the European frame of American culture, there isn't even a consensus on that, right?
We've got to take some calls here.
Let's talk to Ray in Philadelphia.
Ray, welcome to Borderline.
Good evening, gentlemen.
I'm surprised that you guys bring up such a topic on the air, really.
Isn't it important, though, to say in public what people talk about in private?
I agree.
Yeah, the forthrightness is very important.
I think that you have an example of what's going on in California with this, the doing away with the, what do you call it, the, oh, I can't think of it, but...
Give me an analogy.
What it is is...
Where it gives, like you were saying, black people the opportunity to get into these all-white schools.
Think about CCRI, the Civil Rights Initiative, do away with affirmative action.
Affirmative action, that's what it is, yeah.
They're becoming afraid that in California the minorities are going to be the majority.
So now they're starting to, how you say, shoot down this affirmative action thing.
Okay, let me get a reaction from Jared.
The question of affirmative action is really a little bit different from the question of immigration, although they are related.
Affirmative action...
Well, not related.
I mean, it's like trying to talk about the trade deficit without China, without Japan.
I mean, immigration and...
But the point is, even without immigration, we already have a multiracial society, and you could have affirmative action.
Now, what's happening in California, I don't think it necessarily is related to immigration.
Because you could have a CCRI in Florida, Massachusetts, any state in the union that has a mixed demographic racial population.
But all of this is brought into particularly heightened focus, as our caller suggests, by the fact that most immigrants today are non-white.
I think, and this is a provocative but really rather obvious point, if all of the post-1965 immigrants had been, say, Norwegians, The current immigration debate, the current immigration crisis would have completely different dimensions.
I don't think it would take on the same form that it does now.
Well, let's talk about what those might be right after the break.
And we want to get in, you to get in on this conversation, too, with Jared Taylor, editor of American Renaissance, paid with good intentions, new book he just wrote.
Give us a call, 1-800-5000-NET.
This is Borderline.
I'm Dan Stein.
We'll be right back.
Yeah, I got two kids.
We're back.
Let's take some calls.
Let's talk to Lawrence in Fredericksburg, Virginia.
Lawrence, welcome.
Yeah, this is Lawrence Cohen.
I would like you to comment, if you would, on Wilmot Robertson's idea of the ethnostate.
And secondly, it seems to me that Israel, I'm fairly familiar with the Israel rally politics and so forth, That it seems to me that Israel is moving towards possibly an ethno-state.
And I appreciate you for speaking out on your beliefs.
Thank you, and I'll listen.
I think most nation-states traditionally have been ethnically homogeneous.
That's, I believe, what's meant by an ethno-state.
And I think in that connection, before he was assassinated, Yitzhak Rabin said something very interesting.
He said what he cared about most...
Was that Israel remain at least 80% Jewish.
Now that is a commentary on immigration policy.
And what was important to him was that Israel maintain a certain character, a certain quality.
And he recognized that by changing the demographics, that quality would be lost, that character would be lost.
I think the same is true of the United States.
Jay, let's talk to Jack, first-time caller in Harwick, New Jersey.
Jack, welcome to Borderline.
Yeah, thanks.
I want to agree with everything the guest has said.
It's great that we can talk openly about these type of issues, because most people don't realize the demographic trend, and the whites will become a plurality, but still a minority in the country.
And that's the key, is the demographic trend, if they continue to hold.
That you're not going to see a real change on immigration policy because we don't have any backbone, for one, until the white power structure in this country is going to be affected by losing the power because of the loss of the majority status.
And I can see down the road, 10 years, 10, 20 years down the road, in order to cut that demographic trend off, I mean, I can see the white power structure putting in...
Well, say maybe a tax code where if you're a white family and you have a baby, guess what?
You're going to get a big fat deduction or something along those lines.
The rest of the country won't like it, but the fact is we're going to become a minority status because we're not having enough babies.
You asked an interesting question.
I want to try to take off on this.
Now, let's assume whites are a minority.
Is it a fair assumption that whites would therefore relinquish political power?
Under that regimen?
Not necessarily.
And that's part of this age structure.
There are going to be older whites.
This will add immeasurably to the tension.
You'll have older whites.
Older people are the best organized voting bloc in the country.
And you'll have these younger non-whites, some of whom are not going to be eligible to vote, some of whom won't vote.
And no, they won't necessarily relinquish power.
I think, well, take a place like Brazil.
But then they become a white minority government, don't they?
That's right.
That's right.
But you have one in Brazil.
How long can that continue, though?
Oh, I think all of this is a prescription to, frankly, national disaster.
I don't think that the United States can continue with this idea of multiculturalism, multi-this, multi-that, and expect to maintain a unitary state.
Let's talk to Kay in Riverton, Wyoming.
Hi, Kay.
Hi. Dan, you know, you went right to the heart of the question when you were asking about, do we have a right to ask about these questions?
And your guest is right on everything he says.
The basis is us and them, that those concepts are as old as life itself, and it has to do with self-preservation of both yourself and the group.
And you were just asking about what happens when the white power structure is affected.
I was wondering, when the whites are a minority, would they receive any benefits based on that?
I don't think whites will ever...
Receive benefits based on minority status.
That'll be long gone by then.
I think that kind of thinking is typically liberal, and only whites in any kind of by and large societal sense are likely to be liberal in that sense.
I think, though, that as the number of whites diminish, just as every other racial group in this country is open about expressing its racial Explicit racial demands.
Whites will increasingly realize that they have legitimate group demands, and they will begin to express them, too.
All of this will lead to further conflict, further conflict of, I think, a very disagreeable proportion, but it's one that will be promoted the more different races, different cultures, different nationalities end up in the United States.
How do you define the word racism when you use it?
Racism? Well, I don't use it very often, but racism in the United States today is generally an accusation that you make when you want to shut somebody up.
It's a swear word, basically.
So you don't think it has any legitimate content anymore?
It can have legitimate content, but mainly people use it when they have run out of arguments, and it's the most graceless way of admitting that you've lost the argument.
Is it good that it's lost its meaning?
No, I don't think so.
Okay, let's talk to Annabelle.
I'm being told I can't talk to you, Annabelle.
The call next week, because we'll get back with you.
Well, go ahead.
I mean, we'll finish up on that thought, though.
Oh, the question about race.
I suppose if racism has a really legitimate meaning, it would be someone who hates people of other races, or dislikes them, or wishes to dominate them.
In that sense, I don't think there are very many racists in this country.
But you can be opposed to affirmative action.
You can be a white person who is opposed to racial discrimination against whites in the form of affirmative action and be accused of racism.
What's going on here?
How would a sustained drop in immigration for a while help the country cope with these problems or would it impair our ability to?
I think it would help immeasurably.
I think that people often talk about a breathing spell.
Look, I'm talking about as if race is this terrible dividing light.
It doesn't always have to be.
There are going to be some Asians, some Hispanics, some blacks who really do assimilate in some fashion to European civilization.
But the more of people who are coming in from Mexico or from Haiti or Guatemala or wherever it is, the more they are likely to create.
A re-establishment of their own mores, their own culture, their own way of doing things.
So the breathing space gives you a chance to digest and Americanize?
If that is in fact possible.
And I'm not sure it even is even if we stopped immigration right now.
Jared Taylor, we can do this for a lot longer, I'm sure.
That's thanks to our guest Jared Taylor, author of the book Paved with Good Intentions.
And earlier we were joined by a retired senator, Eugene McCarthy.
Next week we're going to be talking to Chilton Williamson.
He's written an interesting brand new book called The Immigration Mystique.
Provocative book.
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