All Episodes
Previous Next
April 24, 2017 - Radio Renaissance - Jared Taylor
43:16
Le Pen Breaks Through
| Copy link to current segment

Time Text
Welcome, ladies and gentlemen, to this latest edition of Radio Renaissance.
We have as our guest today, Guillaume de Rocher.
As many of you know, he has written for many dissident websites, including American Renaissance, and he and I last spoke on March 9th about the French elections.
And since the first round took place just yesterday, I've asked Mr.
DeRosha to come back and give us his views on the results so far and what the prospects are for the second round that will take place on May 7th, I believe it is, two weeks after the first round.
So, welcome. Glad to have you back on the program here.
Hello, great to be here. Could you give us just a brief rundown of what the results were and what you find significant?
So, I watched the results yesterday evening with some nationalist comrades.
It is a fairly disappointing, although not entirely surprising result.
In the lead we have The centrist globalist candidate, Emmanuel Macron, who got 24% of the vote, which is more than I expected, but as it turned out, the polls were very accurate.
Marine Le Pen finished second with only 21.3% of the vote, and we did not see a shy voter effect, which we usually see with the FN. In fact, she underperformed a little bit what the polls said.
Third, we have François Fillon, who is the conservative candidate who said some interesting things on immigration and some interesting things on Russia.
I'm disappointed he didn't get to the second round, but he only has 20%.
Third is a big surprise, actually.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who is the hard-left candidate, basically took up all of the traditional center-left socialist votes, and he got 19.6% of the vote, which is he practically doubled his score, and he got over three times as much as the normal socialist candidate, Benoit Hamon, who got...
6%, which is a total collapse because normally in the French Republic, the Conservatives and the Socialists control the situation.
Yes, as everyone seems to be saying, this is the first time since the Fifth Republic was established in 1958, I believe, that the mainstream parties are not going to be in the second round for these elections.
It's really a radical rejection of politics as usual.
It is a rejection of politics as usual, but in a very strange way.
I mean, on the one hand, you do have almost a majority of the French electorate voting for what you could probably call anti-system candidates.
So Marine Le Pen is one, Jean-Luc Mélenchon is another, but also those smaller candidates.
There's another one called Nicolas Dupont-Aignan, who is this sort of weak nationalist candidate, but he got 5% of the vote.
Those two mainstream parties have not broken through, and instead we have Emmanuel Macron, who benefited from many supports in the establishment, but is not officially in any of the two traditional parties.
And so he's been able to portray this as a political revolution, actually, as a change.
Just out of curiosity, this weak nationalist that you described him who got 5% of the vote, what is his position on the EU? Because I find it fairly remarkable that if you combine the votes for Marine Le Pen and Jean-Luc Mélenchon, you've got 40% of the French electorate voting for parties that are very anti-EU. And I was wondering about this 5%er guy.
Dupont-Tignon is anti-EU. Well, well.
So that's 45%.
Nearly half are really fed up in that respect.
That's quite fascinating. I think there is a bit of a contradiction within the French electorate on this because they tend to, not like the strictures of the EU, And many would like to have more, you know, less reforms, less austerity, more left-wing policies, but they don't necessarily want to get out of the EU. I think that's, in the Minotaurian voters, for example, I think many of them are reluctantly anti-EU. Well, you know, I said just a moment ago that this was a radical rejection of politics as usual,
but as you were pointing out, it is a rejection of the parties, but in a way, Mélenchon stands for Politics is very much as usual, it seems to me, at least of the traditional kind entirely in Europe and in the West.
This globalist, sort of quasi-free markets.
Everything is going to work out okay.
The European Union is wonderful.
So what we are going to face is, it seems to me, a real standoff between what is the traditional leftist liberal project and a nationalist Marine Le Pen.
And it will be disappointing to me if she loses by a crashing defeat, which looks as though it could be possible.
It looks very likely that she's going to lose.
Macron's policies are more of the same.
This is the paradox of the whole situation.
It is not unprecedented.
If we look back to Nicolas Sarkozy back in 2007, who was the finance minister and interior minister of Jacques Chirac, the president, he was able to portray himself as a A change of generation, a new kind of politics.
And Macron has done that, but he's the follower of François Hollande, the current president.
So from one point of view, you could say it is really quite remarkable that this extremely unpopular president, François Hollande, who has something like four or five percent approval, his protege is now going to become most likely the new president.
And it is going to be with more of the same policies.
And even in the mainstream media, you've had people point out that he doesn't really have a coherent electoral program.
It isn't even the case that his economic reforms that are proposed are all right wing.
For example, he wants to give more purchasing power to workers even though France doesn't
really have the money to finance that.
He wants to make it harder for companies.
He also punished companies who use short-term contracts repeatedly which would obviously
tense up the labor market.
He is a reflection, I think, of the contradictions of the French ruling class that they don't really have a coherent project going forward, but instead of this left-right division, we now just have one candidate who will be pushing for those things.
Yes, although in a way, I don't know French politics all that well, but it seems to me Macron's achievement is remarkable.
Here's a guy who's never been elected to any office ever, and he was appointed as, wasn't he an economics minister under Hollande's first government?
Yes. And now he has dropped out of that, started this brand new party, En Marche, which the translation seems to be onward or something like that.
That's the American, the English language version.
This brand new party, and it looks as though he's going to be elected president of the republic.
It seems, and he's not even 40 years old.
This is an absolutely remarkable achievement, it seems to me, for this young guy.
And on the one hand, It is a rejection of the parties as usual, but curiously enough, despite this very dissident and angry outpouring, we're going to get a guy who's going to have, if not the same politics as usual, the same policies as usual.
Yes, that's absolutely right.
He's clearly a talented person.
I have to say I am quite disgusted by him as a person in the sense that His discourse is pretty much gibberish.
He really says everything in its opposite.
You get videos of him saying, I'm a socialist, I'm not a socialist, I'm a liberal, I'm not a liberal.
He says things like, how are you going to make minorities perform better in schools and how are you going to get us to congeal as a nation?
He'll say things like, through the transmission of our values and through emancipation to create I'm not saying that.
All of the candidates create discourses and narratives which are meant to appeal to their
audience, to their particular segment of the French public.
So all of the nonsense that Macron or even Marine Le Pen or any of the other candidates
say is a reflection of the incoherent ideas and tendencies in the voters that they are
trying to appeal to.
In the case of Macron, it's this idea that none of the things that we are doing are wrong.
So open borders is not wrong.
Selling out French sovereignty to international students, international organizations is not wrong.
Unlimited immigration is not wrong.
You can do all those things and still have empowered citizens in a powerful democracy.
You can still have equality of opportunity and social justice and social cohesion and a good welfare state and job security.
And that the only thing that was missing was dynamism, was youth, was will.
That's how he's marketed himself.
And he's been very successful in doing so.
Well, I guess he would claim to personify this youth, this dynamism.
As I recall, somebody just referred to him as the John F. Kennedy of France now.
They think he's going to open up this new Camelot for France.
I don't know what to expect of him as a president.
I think it's very uncertain because we don't know with what kind of majority he's going to govern, and I think that is a critical thing.
If the French president, it's a bit like in the United States, if he doesn't have a reliable majority in parliament, he can end up being a lame duck quite quickly.
Well, this Homme-Marche party, does it have any deputies at all in the legislature?
It's a brand new party.
It must have very few, if any, at all.
It has no deputies.
Well, so he's going to have to cobble together some kind of coalition with the people who would otherwise, the deputies who otherwise would have supported Fillon or Hollande or Amon or those people.
Well, he'll have snap elections after he's elected president, most likely.
And there's a complicated two-round electoral system At that point with individual constituency.
So we don't have proportional representation.
So that means that the Front National, for example, rarely gets any deputies.
And the system is, by the way, designed specifically to exclude the Front National because they used to have deputies under a proportional system.
And much depends on what deals the different parties come to.
For these legislative elections, and I have to say, I've seen very little on this, but there will be the conservatives, there will be en marche, there will be the hard left and the nationalists.
If the presidential vote is the base, more or less, of the main factions in the legislative elections, that's who we'll see.
But in terms of their alliances or who will win, it's still very unclear.
Well, one aspect of Maureen Le Pen's moving into the second round that struck me as quite interesting is the kind of comparison you can draw between her record and her father's making it into the second round back in 2002.
It's hard to believe that's already been 15 years ago since that happened.
On this time around, she won 7.6 million votes.
That is considerably more than what her father won in the first round, 4.8 million.
And so that is a substantial improvement in that respect.
Now, I find it very interesting that when Jean-Marie went into the second round, he picked up only about 700,000 votes out of 31 million cast.
So he ended up with only 5.5 million votes, only 18% to his opponent Jacques Chirac's 82%.
I mean, that was an absolutely crushing defeat.
But, of course, as will happen this time around as well, Everybody is going to gang up against the Front National.
And although the ganging up will not be quite as overwhelming, that of course is going to contribute badly to how the Marine does the second time around.
So far... As my understanding is that, except for Mélenchon, who has pointedly refused to endorse anybody, everyone is saying, okay, you've got to vote for anybody but Le Pen, basically, in the second round. They all said that almost immediately.
François Fillon came out and said, vote for Macron.
François Hollande today, it's no surprise, said, come out and vote for Macron.
There is the famous cordon sanitaire, meant to exclude the national front.
It's a very dishonest sort of thing to do because the claim is that this is a republican front.
Because they are the only legitimate democratic republican parties.
You can even fault the Front National for this, but in fact they are the only ones who are living up to the This is the original French Republican tradition of actually having a nation, of actually having a sovereign nation with an identity.
Whether you're talking about the founding fathers of the Third Republic or of the men of the French Revolution, the Four Nationals is actually the only Republican party in that sense, because the French Revolution was also, in a sense, a nationalist revolution.
I don't know what he's going to say in the end.
She could not bring herself to say, vote for Emmanuel Macron, a Rothschild alumni, but she did say that you need to block the far right, the extreme right.
Well, I see.
So she could not spit out the words Emmanuel Macron, but in effect she's saying, vote for him if that's what it takes to stop this horrible Le Pen.
Yes. Yep.
Well, that's the way they always go, don't they?
Of course, I would think that the Mélenchon supporters are the ones who are perhaps least likely to do as they're told because they would despise Macron as this investment banker, this wealthy guy who wants to globalize and let in immigrants.
So let us hope that the Le Pen people are right and that some of the Mélenchon supporters will come Le Pen's way.
There is, from what I've seen, little chance of many supporters coming to Le Pen.
Quite a few supporters should.
But maybe the thing playing most in her favor is that people who voted for Mélenchon or for many of these other anti-establishment parties are very unlikely to...
They might not vote.
They might just say, you know, I'm not going to vote for either of them.
So I think demobilization and Apathy might be her best shot.
Well, they were saying that if it were a low turnout, that would benefit Le Pen because her supporters are motivated and they're going to vote no matter what.
So if that's still the case, that might improve the kind of results that she gets in as well.
Yeah, I think that's likely.
Well, I had seen a report, just a sketchy report that I didn't get into details on, that just last night at the Place de la Bastille in the Place de la République in Paris, there were protesters burning cars and shouting about the election results.
Do you know anything about what that was all about?
No, I didn't see that.
Although it's not uncommon for these sorts of excesses to happen whenever there's a national...
I mean, it's like the New Year Car-B-Q festivals.
Right. I guess any excuse to burn a car in Paris.
Yeah, pretty much. Well, in a way, it is Francois Fillon's endorsement of Macron that particularly sticks in my craw.
It goes to show you that even for a guy who apparently understands the significance of immigration and what it's doing to France, he cannot bring himself to vote for the remaining candidate who really is going to preserve France.
There's just this ideological blind spot they have.
You simply cannot vote what they call the extreme right, which in my view is a real misnomer because much of what the National Front stands for is not rightist or conservative, certainly by American or traditional standards.
But for him to have taken that view, can you dissect what his motivation would be?
Is it just nothing more than this notion that the Le Pen party is absolute pariahs and no matter what they say, no matter what they do, no matter how much they may have appeared to have softened, they're still just basically Nazis?
Do you think that's his thinking?
I think that is exactly his thinking and I think that unfortunately In the Conservative Party, there has always been a few members of it who have wanted to work with the Front National all the way back to the 80s and the 90s.
But whenever one of them does that, they tend to get punished.
They will get formally excluded from the party if, for example, even something very moderate, like you say, you know what, let's have a joint list for these municipal elections so that we beat the left, or let's work together in these legislative elections.
Conservative politicians will be kicked out of the Conservative Party if they advocate this.
And it's simply the consensus in that party at the moment that
Indeed it is simply a fascist party Which is a ridiculous claim because I frankly actually don't
think that Marine Le Pen will it would institute a dictatorship if she
won whatever you think of that and
It makes this whole Hysteria about the far right all the more ridiculous
because it is not as if there is there is even a return What they did is not even the far-right party, so it's not
a fascist party. It's not it's not advocating dictatorship It's not advocating racism, so it's simply excessive
But with Fillon, he did propose one or two interesting things, and actually I looked into it, and indeed the He wanted to put in the French Constitution the fact that you would have to vote annually for immigration quotas, which is a pretty good idea, I think, for what a mainstream politician can propose.
This would really force the politicians every year to affirmatively vote for immigration, which would be quite difficult because it would be unpopular.
So this is a way of reducing it.
But in the end, I have always been disappointed by the French Conservatives.
They are race baiters.
The right wing edge of them will often float a balloon saying, maybe we'll abolish birthright citizenship, or maybe we will not let Turkey in the EU, or maybe we'll crack down on immigration.
But in the end, when they win the elections, people like Chirac, people like Sarkozy never implement these things.
So that was one of the reasons why, for me, there was no question of voting anything but Marine Le Pen, even though I think that Fillon, if he had been elected president, would have been able to do things.
He would have been able to be in charge of the country and have a gradual change, if he wanted to, like Victor Orban, who comes from a mainstream conservative party, but which has radicalized.
Whereas I think if Marine Le Pen wins the election, which is very unlikely, I'm afraid that she will not be very effective anyway, because everybody will be against her, like the whole system will be against her, and it will be a bit like Trump in the US at the moment.
Yes. The so-called conservatives in France, they often behave like Republicans in the United States.
They will sometimes say fascinating and tantalizing things, but when push comes to shove, they always back down.
Well, we'll see.
Do you think that this Penelope Gate, I believe it's called, the scandal of Fillon, reportedly, while he was ministers, channeling money to his British-born wife, do you think that was a big part of his slump?
Because I recall when he won the primary, all of my French contacts were saying, okay, this is the guy who's going to be the next president of France.
They seem to really have it in the bag.
Yes. So you think this financial scandal really badly wounded him?
I mean, they've done polls of French voters asking them, you know, do you think this candidate is well portrayed in the media?
Do you think this candidate is reported on negatively?
And Macron, people said that Macron is favored by the media.
They said Fillon is harmed by the media and they said Le Pen is harmed by the media.
There's no question that it hurt him.
I, again, I don't have much to say in addition to what I said last time.
I'm very suspicious of that whole scandal, and I'm very curious to see, maybe we'll know in 10 or 20 years, maybe sooner, what skeletons does Macron have in his closet, because I'm sure he does.
What skeletons do the other candidates have in their closet, or is he really a uniquely corrupt figure, which I frankly doubt.
And we can speak about media bias in general, because You know, basically, the big owners of the media, people like Pierre Berger, Xavier Nils, Patrick Drahi, who are, you know, fashion oligarch, tech oligarch, Franco-Israeli oligarch, they own the media.
They were quite open about the fact that they supported Macron and were very excited by his candidacy.
And we know that the journalists are also very biased, and just before the vote, for some reason, the magazine Les Inoccupibles, which is a pun on incorruptible, did an internal poll of their reporters and their staff to say who they would be supporting, and then they published this on Twitter.
And the results were interesting.
It was basically 50% supporting the socialist Amon, 25% supporting Mélenchon, and 25% supporting Macron.
And so it was a perfect x-ray, I think, of both the academics and the journalists, their psychology.
Their psychology is between far left and centrist liberal.
And that's it. There was virtually no one who had voted Fillon, let alone Le Pen, but that is the media.
I think the oligarchs who own it are Macron supporters and the journalists, and I have a very low opinion of the French journalist class, and I've spoken to many of them.
They are not very thoughtful people.
They are not very... I don't know.
They really think in a very small box.
And they're often quite pious in their way, but I don't think that's necessarily always a virtue.
But the fact that they supported Amon so much shows me that they are really out of sync and fossilized.
You know, they're really not with the new program.
They sound very much like American journalists.
Was there any attempt to persuade Ramon to get out of the race so that Melenchon, the hard left guy who had more of a chance, could make it into the second round?
Was there any dynamic of that kind amongst the lefties?
You know, I didn't see that.
There was discussion about whether the left should form an alliance, whether Melenchon and the Socialist Party should It's an old problem.
I mean, because the far left doesn't want to be tainted by the center left's compromises.
So in the end, they had separate candidacies.
It is very surprising to me, though, that the party that elected, well, you go back to Mitterrand, he was in for two terms.
You have Hollande, you had Siglin Royale as a socialist, had a pretty good showing against Nicolas Sarkozy.
For them to have slumped to this level, it strikes me as quite surprising.
Do you see that as more or less a reflection of the personal lack of stature of Hollande?
Or is the whole party considered out of touch?
How do you explain this?
I think it is a systemic problem.
I have to do a little bit of history to explain that.
There's a very clear pattern in French politics of people getting elected and then having to renege on whatever commitments they made, mainly because of EU and neoliberal rules.
These lead to more unemployment, they lead to cuts and to unpopular reforms.
The socialists, in 1981, One national election with François Mitterrand in alliance with the Communist Party, which again makes the ban on the Front National Alliance a bit obnoxious, but they won power in coalition with the Communists.
He tried Keynesian policies, these did not succeed, and then Mitterrand instituted the policies which have since become the consensus, which is to say I hope I don't get too technical, but the bottom line is it's these policies which lead to an overvalued French currency, to mass unemployment, but which let you create the European Union and the Eurozone.
And basically, every time the left comes in, they become unpopular.
That was the case with Mitterrand.
The conservatives, when they get in, they become unpopular and they just ping pong between
the two parties.
But that ping ponging has become accelerated every time.
So Chirac became unpopular much more quickly than Mitterrand did.
Hollande, Sarkozy became… I'm not sure about Sarkozy.
Hollande became unpopular much quicker than Sarkozy had and it is a reflection of this contradiction in the campaign promises and then what they can deliver and Macron represents A change in the framework.
Instead of the ping pong, we have one candidate who, if he's able to govern with a grand coalition, I really don't know what's going to happen, but if the conservatives and the socialists work with him in good faith, because when it was a duopoly, they would tend to undermine each other.
Then maybe he can pass a lot of reforms that are needed from the globalist point of view and be an effective president in that sense.
Well, he certainly does seem to be just about the worst possible candidate in terms of immigration and, well, in many other respects as well.
Is it, in fact, true what Marine Le Pen has been saying about him that he has said that there's no such thing as French culture?
Can a French politician actually have uttered those words?
He absolutely said that, and he also said, I mean, you have to watch these rallies.
I mean, to me, they are these sorts of, I don't want to be vulgar, but these ejaculations of globalist piety where they really have a fervor to them, actually.
And so in one of them, he was saying, you know, when I see Algerians, when I see Senegalese, when I see Moroccans, I see Frenchmen.
And everybody's like, whoa!
You know, it's like the wave coming.
He is the incarnation of all of the nonsense and all of the falsehoods of the reigning ideology.
He's really pandering to that.
I don't doubt he genuinely believes this.
He really does think that Tunisians and Senegalese and Malians and Algerians can be genuine Frenchmen.
I suspect that's just one of the things that he takes for granted.
Well, I really have trouble understanding these politicians because I can understand the ordinary person believing that because they're not discerning.
So I was talking to a close relative of mine recently who believed that, well, we might have problems in Europe with this stuff, but in the United States, you know, there's the melting pot and everybody's just seamlessly blending together and we're all just, you know, we're all becoming more or less the same thing.
Whereas, you know, it doesn't take a lot of research to see that there is no racial convergence in the United States, either in terms of income or in terms of educational performance or in terms of crime or in terms of, you know, presence in the elite institutions.
And it's the same in Europe.
And the thing is that these politicians, however, know this.
Now, they know this because their whole politics is meant to pander to these groups.
And the elite circles they move in are obviously also not representative of the people.
So all I mean by this is that the left-wing candidates clearly make statements aimed at getting Muslim and black voters, and the conservative candidates clearly make noises to appeal to ethnocentric white French voters.
And yet, despite doing this extremely consciously, they make France more diverse.
And to me that really is a criminal attitude.
Well, you make it sound as though none of the politicians actually believe what they're saying, which could very well be the case.
On the other hand, the immigrant vote in France is still only, what, about 10%?
And it seems to me that if you're making statements about all of these obviously non-white people being good Frenchmen, that is an appeal that might work for that sector of the electorate, but the 90%, I believe, or maybe 85% of the electorate that's still white Many of those people are not going to react well to that, and the non-whites were going to vote for you anyway.
Well, this has been the problem with the center-left recently.
I mean, people like Corbyn in the UK and also the Socialists, they alienate the majority of the white electorate, and so are losing, and that's very good.
But Macron somehow has seemed to have been able to...
This hasn't been a problem for him.
It's too bad. Of all the possible candidates, he was the one that, well at least of the major possibilities, I don't really know much about the minor candidates, but of all the people who had a real shot, he, I agree with you, he seems to be the most despicable.
And so it's a terrible pity that it looks like he's going to be in for at least five years.
Let's hope it's certainly no more than five years.
Do you see any possible route to victory for Marine Le Pen?
People have talked about it.
It seems very low. If she moderates her message on the EU and on the Euro, so as to not spook pensioners, this could work.
But we'll have to see.
She'll probably do double or almost double what her dad did.
And, I mean, she did a good speech after the first round where she said, you know, if you vote for us, you're voting for the preservation of the French nation, which I think is very much the whole point of the program.
But unfortunately, the French people are not responsive at this time.
I wanted to mention one more thing about the salience of race in this election, which is that it has not been a sort of hot-button main issue, but on the other hand, if you looked at the presidential debates, they used euphemisms.
What are you going to do about education?
How are you going to get the education level better?
What are you going to do about these sensitive neighborhoods?
They don't call them You know, colored neighborhoods.
They call them priority educational zones, which mean Black and McReby areas.
We have plenty of them here.
Yes. And so they're all talking about this.
So they're all very aware that there's an issue, but they don't have any solutions.
This seems so obvious to you and me, and yet, given the choice between Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron, it is a pity that so many Frenchmen will make the wrong choice.
But it just goes to show you that this is a long-term project.
And it is certainly better that she will, as you say, double her father's performance.
He came in with, I think, about 18% of the vote.
She could come in with 40%.
I mean, 60 to 40 is a thrashing by typical electoral standards, but for 40% of the electorate to think more or less the way we do, that is a huge step forward, and I think we have to see it in those terms.
Yes, I think we should talk about the long term.
Macron will be a failure.
There is no way that he will be able to get France to be a happy and harmonious and equal multi-ethnic nation.
There's no way that he'll be able to get those blue-collar jobs back which have been destroyed
by globalization.
I am highly skeptical, although I suppose it's not impossible, that he is going to renovate
the European Union and turn it into a non-alienating organization where people feel like empowered
French and European citizens.
because he is basically, in terms of his policies, all along 2.0.
So they're not going to deliver in that sense.
So that leaves the opening to us.
In addition to the fact that the young generations are more and more non-white, which is very alienating and very educational for many young white people who are around them.
In addition to that, you have the Internet and you have memes, you have alternative media, and you have even some basically alt-right websites and social media accounts which have emerged.
Which are explicit on race, explicit on the JQ. And I would not have expected that, but this is happening.
So in the long run, we will continue to grow.
Well, I think that is essentially the situation in the entire white world.
Some nations are moving more rapidly in a healthy direction, and in some respects, the English-speaking world, you could argue, is moving more slowly.
Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Great Britain.
At least Great Britain got out of the European Union, but it's hard to see a National Front or a Sweden Democrats or a Freedom Party, an Austrian Freedom Party-type movement really succeeding in the way that they have these possibilities on the continent.
I think there is absolutely no question that all around the world, Enough white people are beginning to wake up so that there is some sense of the crisis that we face.
And fortunately, we have the excellent example of some of the Eastern European countries that actually do have governments that we can support almost wholeheartedly.
Viktor Orban, who you mentioned earlier, he said, immigration is a poison.
We're not swallowing it.
And people like Beate Schidlow, who has looked the Chancellor of Germany in the face and said, Angela, baby, you can keep your muzzies.
All of this is just fantastically encouraging for us.
So it's going to be a long haul.
I remember speaking to someone who had a bet with someone that Geert Wilders was going to come in first in the elections, that Marine Le Pen was going to be president of France, and that Angela Merkel was going to be chased out of office.
Well, he's already lost his bet.
That was a very, very difficult thing.
But it's easy to think that once there are a few initial victories, that everything is just going to tumble into place.
But it doesn't work that way. It's a long, hard slog.
And I think these elections in France, they are certainly an improvement over 2002, but it's just going to show you that you cannot take anything for granted, that we have to absolutely establish every gain along the way and keep going for more.
Absolutely. Absolutely.
We can see it as a struggle in the soul of our people.
More or less since the 1920s, 1940s, we have been in a dreamland.
We have been kidding ourselves because...
We are too nice. You know, I think the problem is our childishness that we have because we live too comfortably and a piety.
And I think those two piety can be a good thing.
I don't think it's a bad thing, but miseducated piety is a very dangerous thing.
And because we think that it would be mean for different groups to be unequally gifted.
And how could the God or how could evolution do such an unjust thing?
It's a bit of an irony. Most of these people claim to believe in evolution.
And how could we have policies which discriminate against certain groups in the benefit of the community?
It's not discrimination to be mean.
It's to say, well, this person is brighter or this person is part of the core group and therefore, for example, maybe they should have more children than other people because this will benefit the community in the long run.
I think...
I am worried in the sense that by the time we wake up, the demographics will be so bad that it will really actually be very complicated.
Because if you imagine, Europeans have always overestimated their own abilities.
And, you know, you do have 1.45 billion Chinese.
You're going to have 4 billion Africans.
And we're going to be these little Western European statelets, you know, more or less majority African Muslim by the end of the century.
I mean, we're going to be in a very difficult position, but...
Oh, there's no question about that.
The very first anthology of articles from American Renaissance that we put together is called A Race Against Time, and that is certainly what we are in.
But I'm optimistic, really, for the first time in a long time, and at least I think more and more whites are waking up.
Whether we wake up, enough of us, and in time, that's a different matter.
Maybe that's a subject for another conversation someday.
But thank you certainly for your commentary and your insights on these elections, and we'll keep our fingers crossed for Marine Le Pen for the second round.
And maybe once the legislative elections come in, that might be a good time to have another conversation.
Yeah, that would be great.
Okay, well thank you so much.
Thank you very much. Great to be here.
▲
Export Selection