Josh Rogin—Washington Post journalist and Chaos Under Heaven author—traces his career from a viral 2012 Pentagon gaffe (35 minutes grilling Donald Rumsfeld about Japan) to watch reviews and COVID-19 origins, where he argues the lab leak theory was stifled by Trump’s racial rhetoric and the WHO’s biased investigation. He highlights $200M NIH gain-of-function funding under Fauci and China’s suppression of early pandemic data, including CCP-linked lab reports in 2019, while warning that the U.S.’s $1.2B Global Virome Project risks repeating past mistakes. Rogin also exposes China’s influence via universities, Wall Street investments, and criminal networks, urging a values-driven counterstrategy to prevent Western capitulation to authoritarianism. [Automatically generated summary]
the joe rogan experience train by day joe rogan podcast by night all day you can talk watches we can talk anything you know i have a a a instagram influencer watch account Do you really?
On his moon mission was supposed to take the first chronograph into space, and the Omega people had a branding agreement with NASA, so they gave him an Omega moon watch.
And then he didn't like it.
He trusted his old Seiko.
That's what he trusted.
So he took this watch in his pocket, which was his.
And this is not the same exact watch, obviously.
It's a version of it.
A recreation of it.
And he took off his Omega once he got into space.
And he put on his Seiko chronograph, which was then forever called a Pogue.
So this was actually the first chronograph worn in space.
Not the Omega one, despite what you may have told.
It's not automatic, but I thought that was the problem with the watch in space, was that with no gravity, that the moving of the gears wouldn't be the same.
Admiral Pogue would dare to disagree with you because he just did it, and that was like 1973. Maybe he didn't give a fuck about the time, he just loved that watch.
No, no.
He needed it to time.
The whole point was that he needed it to time the bursts so that he wouldn't incinerate himself in the atmosphere.
So he was like, I'll take this watch for the pictures, but then I'm going to get my old trusty Seiko out of my pocket because I can't die on this mission right now.
And that's obviously not as prestigious of a watch, but now it's like amongst watch freaks and geeks considered to be like one of the ones you want to collect.
That's so weird because a watch expert was explaining to me the reason why the moon watch from Omega is a wind-up is because you can't rely on gravity because the automatic movements, you know, there's these little things and they swing back and forth depending upon, like, your watch.
No one's ever combined reviewing ramen restaurants and reviewing watches together.
appropriately in most cases.
No, the real reason is because, you know, I, as a lonely reporter for 17 years traveling back and forth to Japan and Asia, I just got super into the food scene, especially in Tokyo.
I used to live in Tokyo.
I worked for the Japanese newspaper there.
I used to teach English there for a couple years.
Did you really?
In Shin, Yokohama, Japan.
I was 23, fresh out of college.
Oh, wow.
Just living my best life in an apartment the size of this table.
I had one burner, and But I loved it.
And then as I got older, I started getting into watches.
And then my Instagram was like, all watches and ramen.
My wife was like, nobody wants to see that.
She's like, can you just stop posting that?
I'm like, oh, I'll just make it its own thing.
And then people started to like it.
And in the ramen community, people started to learn about watches.
And in the watch community, people started to learn about ramen.
Yeah, I've only been there once for the UFC, but I really enjoyed it.
I was there for a couple days.
I didn't get to see much, but we went to some great sushi restaurants.
Got a chance to, and the Fight fans there are really, it's really interesting because they're super, super polite.
And they're really quiet, and then when something happens, like they applaud, like a guard pass or something that's like real technical, they all applaud, they get very excited about it.
I once went to Slipknot Festival, Knotfest Tokyo, because my brother-in-law is the drummer for Slipknot, Jay Weinberg.
And so he, I'd never been to a Slipknot concert before, so we just went.
And 25,000 Japanese fans, Slipknot fans, in rows, standing politely, perfect rows, and then the song would come on, and they'd be like, you know, doing this, and then the song would come off, and they'd politely wait for the next song.
So they have things that they are doing that they have brought from their ancient times that they totally forgot why, okay?
They have no idea why they're doing all these things.
Like, the tea ceremony takes four hours...
And the Sumo rules are as such, and the food is cooked this way.
And the tradition itself is a beautiful thing, but it's long detached from any sort of rationality.
Judaism is like this, right?
You know, like, why don't you eat this or that?
I don't know.
That's how we always are doing it.
And the other thing is that, you know, because it's so an island, it's like an island in many more ways than one.
And in a sense, they've been able to develop with less influence, not zero influence, but less influence from the outside world.
So they've developed in a way that's unique to them that has little to do with what we were doing in 5,000 years ago.
And what that taught them is that they need to rely on each other on this, you know, island, which is basically 90 percent mountains.
They don't really grow anything.
They're really like little rice patches are like this big and, you know, there's no oil.
So they had to come together as a community.
And it's a very Confucian kind of thing where you focus on, you know, the consensus and that shows itself in their politics and in their society.
And basically, when you have a country that operates by consensus, that can have very good, bad outcomes like World War Two.
And, you know, like, oh, the consensus is we got to attack everybody.
Or it can have very good outcomes like, oh, the consensus is we all better wear masks and nobody should get Corona.
So, you know, it could go either way, but it's just they see each other as a community and as a family and they act as such.
And that's...
There is a Confucius element to that, but there's also sort of like a community element to that that, again, I like for the most part, but also can get in the way sometimes if you just want to buck the system or do something interesting.
Yeah, they also have an ancient system of discipline and respect that comes from feudal Japan and also just martial arts in general.
They're known for being the birthplace of many styles of martial arts, and also where many styles of martial arts that maybe came from China were refined and changed in Japan.
And it was the envy of the martial arts world because of the fact that they did have – and it's what's strange is that like it went away.
That's what's really weird.
Yeah, man.
I mean, they had the biggest martial arts scene in terms of the ability to have 90,000 people in a super arena.
At the time, America was not like that.
As a matter of fact, it wasn't even that popular in America at the same time.
It wasn't really popular in America until 2005. When the Ultimate Fighter was on television, on Spike TV, in the finals between Stephen Bonner and Forrest Griffin became this huge event because it was just this wild fight that was just perfect timing and the worlds collided in this perfect way and then it became this emerging sport.
So they super appreciate that, and Japan is actually a very diverse place in a sense in that if you go west to Kyoto and then you keep going to Kyushu or you go north to Sapporo, you will find crazy nuances and differences in the culture and the food and the people there that will blow your mind.
I started my career working for the Japanese newspaper, the Asahi Shinbun, in their D.C. office.
Yeah, so I wanted to work in U.S.-Japan relations and eat ramen and travel back and forth and work at a think tank or something like that.
Nobody wanted to hire me for that because, you know, Japan's like one of those countries that's like basically OK. Like if you study a problem country like Russia or Iran or something like that, there's industry for that.
There's money for that.
You know, somebody wants to know about that.
But, you know, the Japan scholarship community is very small and it's very hard to break into.
And I'm not like one for schooling.
You know what I mean?
Like I... Like, I graduated GW in four and a half years flat, and, like, that was it.
Like, there was no graduate school coming.
Like, it just wasn't going to happen.
I spent my time at GW working at the DC Improv, you know?
So for three years, I was Rumsfeld's foil in that room.
And I didn't know if the fix was in until one time I didn't ask anything and he stopped me in the hallway and I didn't even think he knew my name and he said, Josh, what are you tired today?
Anyway, eventually I had to get a job in the American media, because if you're the white guy at the Japanese newspaper, there's no upward mobility for you.
So again, I tried to get a bunch of Japan jobs, consulting jobs, think tank jobs, didn't get any.
But I got a job working for a trade publication writing about the Pentagon because I knew how to cover the Pentagon.
And then, you know, those Japanese journalists who I had worked with, because, you know, people don't understand, it's like young journalists these days get thrown onto the heap, right?
There's no training.
Like maybe you went to, like, if you went to journalism school, that's a great leg up.
I didn't do that, you know what I mean?
So usually you have to be like the most aggressive or the most clever and some where you join a team.
And if you join a team, you get the welfare of that political team that can promote you through your career.
But I had something that these people didn't have, which is I was trained by these people.
Top, top, top Japanese journalists who taught me the things that they never teach, which are like how to source, how to dig, how to pour through documents, how to use data, how to understand budgets, how to understand how these agencies work on the inside.
And that takes years and years and years to learn.
That's the work of covering the government that a lot of people still do, but not as much as they used to.
And I used those skills to break stories.
So I became a scoop master, and I just started breaking stories.
And the more I broke stories, the better jobs I got.
I went to Federal Computer Week magazine, Congressional Quarterly, Foreign Policy magazine.
I covered the State Department.
Then I covered Daily Beast, then Bloomberg View, and now The Washington Post.
And I also have a side gig at CNN. I'm a part-time contributor there.
I think if you can find the thing that you love to do and you can find someone to pay you for it, then do that!
You know what I mean?
And that was quite lucky because, again, I never thought of being a journalist until I was one.
My wife, on the other hand, who's a fabulous journalist for PBS NewsHour, Allie Rogan, she started interning in journalism.
She worked on it in college.
She worked at NBC. She worked at ABC. This is what she wanted to do.
In the end, I think, in part for that reason also because she looks better on TV than me, she's going to end up being a lot more successful than I am.
But I'm cool with that.
I love that, actually.
I just want to work in this business, have a career, and make a living, and at the point where Doing what I love and getting people to pay me for it doesn't work out, I'll do something else.
And if you don't know who Dan Nynan is out there, he was first made famous because he's like the Silicon Valley tech guy who decided to toss it all and become a stand-up comedian because that was his true calling.
And he would do all these corporate gigs for these Silicon Valley companies.
He made a bunch of money, performed for Obama.
He got a little buzz.
He bought 400,000 followers on Twitter.
That was like one thing.
And anyway, he was supposed to be this clean comic.
He's like, I'm the clean comic that you can invite to your corporate event, right?
He's not like playing over like, you know, trying to do comedy over like stripper music like you were.
And I was like, have you ever been sucker punched?
I mean, you've been sucker punched.
You're kind of shocked.
You're like, did that just happen?
And there's like, oh, by the way, there's like seven journalists who are there covering the thing.
We're not covering the thing, we're just going for the free drinks.
And they're all like, did that just happen?
So I start tweeting, Dan and I had just punched me in the face.
And then he starts like, you know, these jokes are terrible, like election, erection, you know, like weirdly, vaguely problematic jokes for an Indian guy to make, right?
And then he sees me tweeting about him and he comes back and he swings at me again.
Mashable said I was the first person to ever live-tweet my own assault.
True story.
So anyway, Allison, the owner, she calls the cops.
They arrest him.
And, you know, it became a big story because of the seven journalists who were there to cover, they didn't want to cover Joe Lieberman's black, you know, whatever.
This is a much better story.
So immediately there were seven, before he posted bail, there were seven articles about it.
And then that became viral and that became a big thing.
And the Taiwanese media made like an animation of my assault, like an animation depiction of it.
And then I started meeting other comedians like Hasan Minhaj.
She was like, oh yeah, this guy's crazy.
He gets into all these crazy emails.
He's very aggressive.
He's harassing.
And this and that.
They're like, you better steer clear of him.
And then, you know, actually the problem solved itself because this article came out in 2017 about how he was totally lying about his age the whole time.
He was like the millennial comic, but he was like 55. Did you know this?
Yeah, well, that sounds like a great education, though, for a young guy to be working at a place like DC Improv, because you get a chance to see so many great comics come through there.
It was a late show, because we had a 10 o'clock set, or a 10 o'clock start, and it was probably like 12, 30, so it was at the end of the show, and he's up there...
And just so...
He's just so good, man.
He's so tight and funny and loose and polished and trying out new shit.
And when it doesn't go...
The new shit doesn't go well, it's even funnier because then he'll shit on himself and his jokes.
Okay, can I tell you, I'll tell you one crazy story, and then we gotta talk about China or something like that, but I'll tell you this one crazy story.
With the lab leak hypothesis in that Trump was so adamant in calling it the China virus, the Chinese virus, that there was a lot of people that wanted to resist the idea that it was possible that this thing had come out of this level 4 lab that just happened to be coincidentally in Wuhan.
Now that he's out of office, it's being entertained.
Not just entertained, it was on the cover of Newsweek.
A lot of top-level scientists are really examining and they're supporting this hypothesis that it's more likely than unlikely.
Or maybe in the WHO. So before anyone says that we're trying to push the lab accident theory.
No, no, no.
We're not pushing the lab accident theory.
The argument that I make in the book, and I... I think I lay out a bunch of evidence to support this argument, but you be the judge, is that we have to investigate the lab accident theory.
In other words, not that we know it came from the lab, but that there's enough circumstantial evidence that we can't rule it out.
And when I understand very intimately, actually, How this story got so fucked up.
And here we are in April 2021, and it's been a year, a year.
And we have no information that is getting us closer to the virus.
All the investigations have been crap, okay?
There's a lack of curiosity.
Both in governments around the world, in international organizations, and in the media.
And I'm not a media critic, but I'm just a guy who worked in the media for 17 years.
It's kind of a shock that nobody seems to care, frankly, about the origins.
But to talk about the origin story, we sort of have to first go back and understand how the story got so fucked up.
It's really important.
And I'm going to do that as concisely as possible right now.
You remember back in March, April 2020, it was a very crazy time in all of our lives, right?
Things were disrupted.
People weren't getting sick.
We didn't get a lot of good information.
We didn't know what was going on.
People were losing their livelihoods, their businesses, their family members.
And this was the time when the coronavirus pandemic, as you remember, started to get very political.
Like for the first couple few weeks, it was like, hey, we got a problem here.
Maybe we do.
Maybe we don't.
We all got to come together in this thing.
Around March or April is where everybody started to get onto teams.
I'm on team mask.
I'm on team hydrochloroquine.
I'm on team shooting bleach into my butt.
Whatever the team is, right?
I'm on team science.
I'm on team, you know, Biden, Beijing Biden, Hunter Biden laptop.
I'm on that team.
And that's how Washington is.
Frankly, it's factional, right?
Now, because of my odd story that I just laid out for you, I happen not to be in any of these factions.
You know what I mean?
I just never joined any of them.
I deal with all of them, and I move between them.
So I'm watching all of this happen, and I'm thinking, oh, wait, this is really dangerous, because the coronavirus origin story is not just about blaming China.
Because, of course, you could blame China for a number of things in the pandemic, for hiding the science, for hiding the scientists, for dealing with the journalists, for not locking down.
If you're just about blaming China, and I'm not, you have ample reasons to blame China.
The origin story is about figuring out how this happened so that it doesn't happen again.
In any...
Disaster in the world.
It's a plane crash or anything.
The obvious thing to do is to figure out what happened.
Because otherwise, how can you inform policy and politics to make sure that doesn't happen again?
It seems pretty obvious.
But at that time and space where we're all living in this dystopian crisis, that wasn't the most important thing.
The most important thing is like, you know, where's grandma?
Is everyone safe?
What should I do?
How do I get my job back?
You know, stuff like that.
OK, so talking about the coronavirus origin was very considered very impolite.
And add to that the fact that the Chinese government called, and this is in the book, called the State Department and told them if you talk about the origin publicly, because some of it had begun to be discussed, you won't get your masks.
You want your masks?
You want your PPE? Remember those plane loads that are coming from your factory?
It's like the American factory in China, but in the crisis it wasn't an American factory at all because they just nationalized that shit.
And they're like, if you don't want your masks, then go ahead, talk about the coronavirus.
And I talked to a very, very senior Trump administration official who was just like, yeah, we have to shut up about it.
know, but we're, but it informed their thinking in the sense they're like, oh, okay, well, we have to make changes in our government and our society so that the next time this happens, we don't have all the masks in China.
So, so there were some people inside the government were like, wait a second, you're telling me the outbreak happened next to these two labs.
There's a bunch of labs, but these two major labs, the Wuhan Institute of Virology and the Wuhan Center for Disease Control.
We have a CDC, they have a CDC, theirs is in Wuhan.
You're telling me that this outbreak happened next to these labs, and what are the labs doing?
Oh, they're making bat coronaviruses more virulent through what's known as gain-of-function research.
And they're doing that.
They have the most bat coronaviruses in the world.
And the research that they were doing was to make them more infectious towards human lungs through something called the ACE2 receptor and the S proteins, the technical term.
And then we have a virus outbreak in Wuhan that's a bat coronavirus where the ACE2 receptor is the exact same thing.
It's not the exact same virus, but it's pretty close.
Shouldn't we check out that lab, you know?
And this became chatter inside the US government, like, again, bubbling up inside the system.
I'm catching this chatter.
I'm like, oh, I should probably check that out because I have some sources on China.
I was already writing the book, by the way.
And so then I found out there were these cables where these US diplomats had gone to this very lab, the Wuhan Institute for Virology, two years before and wrote back these cables warning, first of all, that there were a lot of safety problems at the lab, that they didn't know how to operate their lab, they were begging for more help.
The cables were meant to get them more help.
The help never was given.
But moreover, they warned about this specific research.
And the guys who were writing these diplomatic cables wrote that, hey, because some of the research was published, right?
They didn't publish everything they did, but a lot of it was published.
And a lot of it was done with American researchers.
And these cable writers, these diplomats, were like, hey, we got a problem here.
This lab is under-resourced and understaffed, and they're doing risky research on bat coronaviruses that could infect humans.
That was two years prior.
Okay.
And now that we're in the middle of a pandemic where a back-coronavirus is affecting humans, a lot of people inside the government were sort of like, oh, remember those cables from two years ago that nobody gave a shit about?
Like, dust them off.
Let's see those.
You know what I mean?
And I heard about them and I'm like, I got to get these cables.
I'm like, this is a big story.
I got to get these cables.
I got to figure it out.
So I went to all my sources.
I was like, we can't give them to you.
Eventually I found a source who gave me the cables and I published the cables.
And that In a sense, was the beginning, well, one big reason why the lab accident theory started to take root in the public space.
Because now, by the way, the State Department, people think that the State Department leaked them.
That's not true.
Pompeo was super pissed at me, personally.
Because I met with him later.
He was very, very pissed.
He yelled at me.
He was not a happy man.
Because, again, they didn't want to piss off the Chinese because they wanted our masks.
So I had thrown a wrench into that by floating this Now, again, the cables don't tell you what happened in the pandemic because they were written two years before, but suffice to say, they predicted the pandemic, or at least predicted that this could be something that could happen from these labs.
And then Pompeo turned on down.
He's like, yeah, we probably think it was the labs.
And then they asked Trump the next day, they're like, do you think it was the labs?
He's like, well, I can't really get into it, but yeah, it was probably the labs, okay?
Now, Pompeo and Trump, to their discredit, were going beyond the evidence.
In other words, they were politicizing the issue from the jump, okay?
And that immediately went beyond what we knew at that time.
And Tom Cotton did the same thing, right?
He said things that if you look back...
Look pretty reasonable in April 2021. But when he said them in February, oh, well, they're doing military research at the lab.
And, you know, he was sparking something that he couldn't control.
So he got tart as a conspiracy theorist.
Pompeo and Trump got tart as assholes.
In fairness, you know.
Like, they weren't doing the right thing either, but here I was in the middle.
I'm just like, can't we just figure this out?
Can't we just figure this out?
So then here comes the scientists, okay?
And this is the craziest part of this, is that...
You know, the scientists who are the best friends of the lab, and I'll name a couple of them.
Basically, they're doing this gain-of-function research, which is, again, they collect all the viruses in the wild, and then they bring them to this lab, or a bunch of labs, different labs, and they play around with them and see what's what.
And the idea is to predict and preempt the pandemic, right?
And this is a $200 million program funded by U.S. taxpayers.
For 15 years.
You've got the American scientists, the European scientists, the Chinese scientists going to every cave in Yunnan and this and that, finding all the most dangerous viruses, bringing them back to the lab, and then playing around with them.
This was research that was actually banned by the Obama administration in the U.S. That's why they were doing it all in China, by the way, because the Obama administration had put a moratorium on it.
And some of it, because it was risky, because there were accidents, because live accidents happen all the time.
And so they moved some of it over to China, and they kept some of it, they grandfathered some of it over in the US. This program, I mean, first of all, it didn't predict the pandemic, did it?
Right?
Because the pandemic happened, so they didn't predict it.
So that's one thing.
But the theory is that in doing all of these experiments to make these viruses more virulent, more dangerous, they've created a super virus, not manufactured, not engineered.
It's a natural evolution.
What they do is they run it from the virus into mice that have human lung characteristics, and they do it a few thousand times, and they see which ones get the most dangerous.
And then they're like, oh, let's look at these.
So the theory is that that lab accident pushed this virus onto the world a thousand miles from where the bats are, by the way, and that's how we got into this mess.
But the problem was, once that theory was floated, the scientists who were involved in that research got on TV and they said, how dare you look at the lab?
It cannot possibly be the lab.
You're a racist and a conspiracy theory if you dare to mention the lab.
And if you utter it, you shall be shunned, right?
Shunned, Amish style, shunned.
And that happened, okay?
And these scientists, and I'm putting at the top of the list a guy named Peter Daszak, who runs the EcoHealth Alliance, who I've talked about lots of times before, To this day, tell us that we don't need to look at the lab, okay?
And again, I'm not saying the lab did it.
I'm just saying we should investigate all the theories.
Let's investigate the natural spillover theory, which is basically that, I can't make this up, that a bat bit of pangolin that traveled a thousand miles and then that spilled over to humans 10 miles from the lab.
That's the other theory.
Again, it might be true.
I don't know.
You don't know.
Or it could have been the lab with all the bat coronaviruses.
If you came into this conversation in April 2021 not knowing how Pompeo and these scientists had all corrupted the conversation, you would think we should probably take a look at that lab.
But what happened was because these scientists were covering their own asses, they were telling people not to look at the lab.
And because most journalists and most Americans will look at Trump and Pompeo and then they look at a bunch of scientists, they're like, oh, yeah, I'm going to go with the scientists.
You know what I mean?
It's a natural thing.
I get it.
I understand why the media ran with that narrative.
I was there.
You know what I mean?
There was a lot of pressure to do that because Trump's a liar and because he was using racist terms like, I won't repeat, but like for the virus.
And that's bad.
And he weaponized the issue in a really cruel way.
And there was a rise in Asian-American hate.
And those things did happen.
Those are real.
And those are horrible things for our society, for those members of our community.
At the same time, none of that has anything to do with the lab.
But because the issues got so conflated, now to even mention the lab accident theory became something that could get you criticized as being a racist or conspiracy theorist or worse.
And that's what happened to...
Oh, and then WHO does the investigation.
Who do you think they hired to do the investigation?
Okay, so if I've gotten you that far, again, just to say that I don't blame anyone out there for having this notion that this lab accident theory is kind of a kooky thing that was cooked up by Mike Pompeo or something like that.
I get why you think that.
But now Trump's not—he's not here anymore, right?
We don't have to argue about Trump anymore, hopefully, ever again, right?
And we can just look at the piles of circumstantial evidence, and there's plenty of circumstantial evidence that it could have come—there's some circumstantial evidence that it could have come from nature.
I feel that the lab theory has more compelling circumstantial evidence because, again, they were doing that kind of research.
They also—there was a huge cover-up in there.
Virus database went mysteriously offline somehow in December 2019. There's also the evolution of the virus itself, right?
So Robert Redfield, who was the CDC director at the time, a trained virologist, he says, I took a look at this virus, and I concluded that it is so powerful that it must have been evolved in a lab setting.
And he pointed to the gain-of-function research, and they called him a racist, a conspiracy theorist, and all the rest.
Now, here's the controversial part.
The godfather of that industry, the head of the pyramid, is a guy you may have heard of called Anthony Fauci.
In other words, he is, and not just him, there's Francis Collins at the NIH and some other people, but basically he is the one dispersing all of the grants for this.
He is the one who pushed to turn it back on after Obama turned it back off.
That's a whole other crazy story.
He turned it back on without really consulting the White House.
That's breaking news.
Never been reported.
Just broke some news on your show right now.
Yes.
He consulted the Office of Science and Technology Policy, which is like a part of the White House, but he didn't You know, the White House put a pause on it, and then he, like, undid the pause.
The details are a little sketchy.
I'm not saying that he did anything necessarily wrong or illegal.
I'm just saying that a lot of people that I know inside the Trump administration had no idea this had turned it back on.
He found a way to turn it back on in the mess of the Trump administration, because the Trump administration is full of a bunch of clowns, right?
So at the end, you could get stuff done if you just knew how to work the system.
In other words, the $200 million program to predict and preempt the pandemic failed, to predict and preempt the pandemic, but it may have also sparked the pandemic.
When I read all about the research they were doing, I didn't see what they were doing to prevent it.
I just saw what they were doing was examining these viruses and trying to find out how they work and trying to see what happens when they get more virulent.
But what I didn't see is the invention of therapeutics.
The longer we pause it, the more danger that we're in.
I'm trying to save the world.
And so we got to turn this stuff back on because this is how we're going to save the world from the next pandemic, which I'm sure he believed.
I'm sure a lot of these people believed.
But there is another school of thought out there.
And the other school of thought is, hey, instead of taking $200 million to dig up viruses and make them more dangerous, why don't you put that money into monitoring and surveillance in the places where the bats are?
In other words, if you put resources where the outbreaks are likely to occur, then you can squelch them when they pop up because actually viruses change every day and trying to predict the pandemic is a fool's errand.
That's another scientific school of thought.
That's not the one that Fauci's in.
But the reason that there's no debate about this is because the NIH and NIAID structure is such that everyone gets funded by them.
They're funding everybody.
So if you are in the field of virology, there's a 99.99% chance that you're getting money from Anthony Fauci in one way or another.
Your grants, your careers, your chairmanships.
So there's no dissent allowed in that community.
I learned a lot about the scientific community and the virology community over the last few years.
Like, oh, I tweeted this in March 2020 and I want it to hold up.
Nobody cares what you tweeted in March 2020. Let's just have a rational conversation about what are the likely ways we got into this horrible crisis that we're in.
And so for people in the know who are listening to Robert Redfield, it's clear that he's calling out Anthony Fauci.
In other words, he's pointing to the gain-of-function research, which he knows because he's the head of the CDC, reports up to Fauci.
He knows that, right?
But he's not saying that because even that's too hot for him to say.
And the scientists are not going to say that either.
Now you have a lot of people sort of on the right-wing media and the MAGA media who've been saying that for a long time, but they don't have any credibility with the mainstream media.
And I'm just in that weird space where I wrote a book about US-China relationships, so I had all this good reporting, and I'm not MAGA media because I criticize Trump in my columns all the time.
So I am mainstream media, but I'm saying we should look at the lab, and it messes with people's minds because they're like, oh, why is he doing this?
I don't even care if the lab accident theory is true.
If the natural origin theory is true, then great.
I will leave the ticker tape parade celebrating Peter Daszak and Anthony Fauci down Fifth Avenue.
I'm happy to do that.
All I'm saying is that we have to also look into these labs and that we can't hire The best friends of the lab to look into the labs because they have a clear conflict of interest and they fucked it up already.
So the most compelling argument that I've heard for the natural spillover theory is that most of the pandemics, or most of the outbreaks, Over time have been from natural spillovers, the vast majority of them.
Right.
That's a statistical argument.
Now, again, that doesn't speak to this pandemic because statistics are just statistics.
It doesn't tell you.
It's not actual data, right?
It's not actual facts.
So that's one thing, like SARS spilled over naturally.
Now, I would say to that, SARS spilled over naturally where the bats are.
And then what Peter Daszak will say on TV, who says all the time, is that, oh, well, we know that the market, the Wuhan market, the seafood market, they call it a wet market.
It's just a market.
You know, you go to Asia, there's markets everywhere.
We know that the market had the animals that could have been the pass-through animals.
In other words, they had pangolins in the market.
Now, to me, that's not evidence either.
That's just, again, a plausible theory.
Now, why is it that despite a year of searching for every pangolin and palm civet and mink and raccoon dog from, you know, Kathmandu to Kabul— Peter Daszak and his friends have never found—they never found any pangolins linked to the outbreak, right?
So this is another trope, and this is a trope that, like, we have an opportunity to actually fix right here in this moment, which is that, you know, it drives me crazy when this is written into news stories because it's not true, which is that— You'll see there's no evidence of the lab leak theory and there's lots of evidence of the natural spillover theory.
That's what a lot of objective journalists will write into their news stories because they've been writing that for a year and they never thought about it really for more than two seconds or whatever.
And the truth is that, you know, I think there's much more evidence, circumstantial evidence to be sure of the lab leak theory.
But either way, if you say there's no evidence, then you have to admit that there's no evidence of either theory.
In other words, we don't know shit.
OK, there's no proof.
In other words, there's no animal that links to the market.
By the way, the Chinese CDC disavowed the market theory in May 2020. Nobody cared.
Nobody noticed.
The Chinese CDC, they said it didn't come from the market.
The market was an amplifying event, not an origin event.
Some people went to the market, they found some people who had it, they never, the first people that they found that had it, they never went to the market, they didn't know anything about the market.
So, again, and then you have, I think there's, it's very plausible that this spilled over in nature.
It's also very plausible that it spilled over into the lab, that it was the result of gain-of-function research gone awry at the lab, and we have to investigate them both.
And that's, I think, I don't, I can't, again, I understand why that's a controversial thing to say, but it ought not to be.
So after a year of like, you know, so we're not talking about the elephant in the room, which is really the most important thing, which is the CCP, which is the Chinese government, which is lording over all of this, right?
Because it's...
Impossible to talk about this without talking about the fact that the Chinese government has had a year-long campaign to cover up the origin, to squelch the science, to jail and disappear anyone who said anything that wasn't the party line, and then to use the scientists who are the best friends of the lab to launder a bunch of really horrendous disinformation.
And that's not to say that the scientists are assets.
That's not what I'm saying.
I'm saying that they have an overlapping interest.
If you're a scientist, you don't want the lab thing to be true.
And if you're the Chinese government, you don't want the lab thing to be true.
You have an overlapping interest.
They're not colluding.
They're not working together.
They just happen to say the same exact thing.
And in the case of the WHO report, they actually did work directly together.
And what they say is that, okay, well, if we can't find the palm civet...
You know, that, like, made the thousand-mile walk from Yunnan to Wuhan without spilling over once until it got to the lab doorstep.
Maybe it came out on a frozen food package from Norway.
Like, let's go check every frozen food package, distribute to a point that, like, you know, that shipped anything, any box into Wuhan in the four months before the outbreak.
When you hear something, can you think about that being true without cracking up in your mind?
It doesn't pass because what that would lead you to is to searching every frozen food package that's ever been shipped into Wuhan, which creates 100 years of busy work that leads you to no conclusion whatsoever.
But the Chinese government loves this because for the CCP... Confusion is enough.
They don't need to find the source.
They just need to make sure we don't find the source.
They control their information environment.
Their people have no choice but to hear the things that they say, and anyone who says something different disappears.
They're working on our information environment.
This is part of the influence part of the book.
They're trying to change our discussion by getting into our information space and corrupting it for their own malign And in this case, it has a direct effect on our public health because we need to figure this out so we can figure out how to prevent the next one.
So this is the, again, I'm not saying the scientists are working with them.
I'm just saying the line that they're pushing is the same line now being pushed by these same exact scientists.
Which would only lead you to searching every frozen food package that ever came into Wuhan in the last two years, which is crazy, which is a fool's errand.
It's another way to distract us from the thing that we need to do, which is to take a look at these labs.
We're thinking about, you know, should we wear masks or can I go out to a bar tonight?
The Chinese government from the get-go has been way ahead of us in looking forward to the next stages of this crisis.
The disease is only the first stage.
There's going to be broad economic upheaval.
They're doing vaccine diplomacy on a broad scale.
They're using vaccines to threaten and blackmail and bribe countries all over the world.
We're not playing that game.
Then they're thinking about, okay, what's the legal liability of us for this thing?
Do they want to close down their own labs?
No, they don't want to do that.
They've got their own interests.
So they have many, many reasons to distract us from the real mission of finding the source of this virus.
Now, some people will say, well, oh, you just want to blame China.
But here's the crazy part.
If the lab accident theory turns out to be true, and again, we don't know.
You don't know.
I don't know.
My wife doesn't know.
My parents don't know.
But if it does turn out to be true, it doesn't just implicate China.
The big reveal of the lab accident theory is that it implicates us.
That it points the finger back at us because we're the ones who sponsored that research.
We're the ones who built up this industry.
We're the ones who, you know, it was mostly the French, but who built this lab in China in the first place, okay?
We had this bet on China, and this sort of fits into the broader U.S.-China relationship, which is the bigger scope of the book.
That if we just engage with China as much as we could and help them out as much as we could, that that engagement and cooperation would in turn convince them to liberalize, first economically and then politically, and then we could avoid the Cold War and we would all live in peace and happiness.
That was the basic, I'm simplifying it to be sure, stance of US foreign policy towards China since 1972. Okay, and scientific cooperation was held up as the bastion of that, because if you can't cooperate on stopping a pandemic, what could you cooperate on?
But the problem is that the Chinese government doesn't think that way, and they don't see it that way, and they're not liberalizing, and it's becoming increasingly obvious to everyone, slowly but surely.
And over the course of the Trump administration, more and more parts of American society sort of realized this idea that, oh wait, they're weaponizing their engagement Against us for their interests, which are adverse to ours.
They wish us harm, in other words.
Not the Chinese people.
I'm talking about the party.
Not even the Chinese government.
The party, which operates like a cartel.
It's like the Gambino family if they ran the largest country in the world.
That's what it is.
They have factions and they kill each other and they hate each other.
And they're secretive.
And, you know, they're more scared of each other than anyone else because they're constantly killing each other.
You know, if you Google China, people are falling out of windows.
What do they not screw their windows in?
Famous businessmen constantly falling out of windows.
They're very nasty to each other.
But that's, again, if you think of it just like a mafia family, that's sort of how it operates.
They're working together, and Xi Jinping is the head of it.
Now, what that means for us is that, getting back to the issue at hand, is that Our scientific collaboration may be with these Chinese scientists who are very nice people who also want to solve the pandemic, who dedicated their life to solving pandemics, and that's what they've been doing for 20 years.
They don't get to make the decision.
They've got a party guy standing behind over their shoulder, who's got a general standing over his shoulder, who's got another party guy standing over his shoulder, who's got Xi Jinping standing over his shoulder.
And that's what a lot of Americans don't understand.
Like, how could, oh, I thought we were just doing open science.
What could be bad about that?
What?
They're gonna hide stuff in the labs?
Why would they do that?
But for the people inside the government who understood how the CCP operates, of course it's what they would do.
And for the people who saw how they responded to the SARS virus in 2002 and 2003, that's exactly what they did.
They did the same things.
They did it over again.
Just this time it killed 600,000 Americans.
Now, again, that doesn't excuse our poor response.
That doesn't excuse any of the bullshit that Trump put us through that made it much worse.
I'm just saying there's plenty of blame to go around.
What that tells us about our relationship with China, again, not the Chinese people.
You wouldn't blame the Italian people for the mafia, so you wouldn't blame the Chinese people for the CCP. But what it tells us is that this is an organization that has to be viewed with clear eyes.
And the clear eyes are that They covered up the origin.
They covered up the science.
They still won't give us the data that they have to this day.
And this is having a direct effect on our security and our prosperity and our public health.
And so we're going to have to do something about that.
And what I say is that we have to start here.
We have to start investigating our labs, the gain-of-function research that we're doing here.
You see that happening a little bit now.
You see some congressmen, some more scientists like Jamie Messel, by the way, You know, took a lot of shit, man, when he started talking about the lab accident theory a year ago.
He was just getting attacked all the time.
I mean, me too, to a lesser extent, but I'm a journalist.
That was one of the problems with Trump, is that everything that he endorsed was so problematic that even if it didn't make any sense to oppose it, people opposed it just based on the fact that it was his.
And I like the way you just weaved your way through this.
It was brilliant.
The thing that scares me terribly is that there's still people, despite the fact that this evidence is slowly emerging, there's still people that are ideologically opposed to it being true, so they're fighting it hook, line, and sinker.
Now, you'll notice, and a lot of people point this out, that when...
When I started publishing about these cables, you know, and the scientists came back and were like, oh, you can't talk about the lab accident theory.
Don't look at the lab.
We went to the lab.
We talked to the scientists.
They said they were innocent.
And case closed and shut up, you know.
When that happened, the intelligence community leaked to the mainstream press that there was no evidence to support the lab.
That's where this no evidence thing came from, right?
Now, because I was sort of inside the system...
I was writing this book and I actually had real no-shit sources.
I was able to sort of trace how that happened.
There was a gap.
There was an intelligence gap.
In other words, what happened was a guy by the name of Matthew Pottinger, who was the deputy national security advisor at the time, who spoke Chinese, who used to work as a Wall Street Journal reporter.
He was a marine intelligence guy, really interesting guy.
His wife is a virologist.
His brother is an epidemiologist.
He was reading Chinese social media.
He was in the know.
He was at the nexus of all this information.
And for that reason, he was like the early warning system side of the government and for Trump and along with a couple other people.
But he was mostly ignored and shouted down by the political people, right?
Because they're like, how dare you close the economy?
What are you going to shut down travel from Europe in the middle of the election season?
That's crazy.
You're going to lose the election.
Now, of course, the political people were 100 percent wrong because if Trump had done a better response, he might have won the election.
And his failed response actually cost him the presidency when people realized that he didn't know what he was doing.
But at that moment, guys like Matthew Pottinger were like, hey, we really think this came from the lab.
The intelligence people, who also didn't like some of them anyway, who didn't like the Trump people, leaked there was no evidence to fuck with the Trump people.
And the mainstream media ran with it because, like, isn't it great to fuck with the Trump people?
There's no evidence of the natural spillover, but they leaked.
There's no evidence.
They were rebutting what Pompeo and Trump were saying.
And people talk about – I'm not going to use the term deep state, but this was an attempt by them to reset the narrative or somebody in the intelligence community, a bunch of people.
But what had actually happened was that Pottinger went to the intelligence community and said, what do you have?
Okay, give me the SIGINT. Give me the satellite shit.
Do we have any human sources on the ground?
We've got to look at everything.
He didn't say, go prove the lab theory.
He said, give me everything on every theory.
If you've got the market theory smoking gun, give me that too.
And so he put out this sort of tasking, which is what they do at the White House, and give me everything you got.
And there wasn't anything.
They didn't know shit.
They still don't know shit.
And if this doesn't blow your mind, nothing will.
Think about the intelligence failure that that represents.
Just think about for a second that after 9-11...
We took our $80 billion intelligence community machine and shifted it over to the jihadis.
And then we took some of it and we shifted it back to Russia.
And then we took some of it, we shifted it to like China, like spies, like people trying to honey trap mayors and stuff like that.
That's what they do.
They'll throw a bunch of Chinese spies at American mayors to try to get them to fuck them.
And then they compromise, you know, like old tradecraft.
Nobody was looking at this universe of risky research that was going on in this network of labs that did involve the military of China.
They weren't pointed at it.
And that's where the pandemic hits.
So we're always fighting the last word.
We're always looking under the lamppost for our keys.
You know what I mean?
But then something happens, and then Pottinger goes and he's like, hey, what do we have on these labs?
Like, we don't have shit.
And then they leak, oh, there's no evidence for the lab theory.
It was like, oh, Trump is wrong.
Let's have a party.
And a year later, we still- What a failure.
Huge intelligence.
Massive intelligence failure.
That in any sane world, you would have a commission, you know, like a 9-11 style commission would be like, how did this happen?
Not just, how did this happen?
How did we get into this dystopian, crazy reality that we're all suffering in?
And not just Americans, 7 billion people.
Suffering.
To this day, much worse than us.
A lot of countries, much, much worse than us.
And no one's curious.
No one cares.
There's two Republican committees that issued letters on this.
That's all I could ever find.
A year later, zero Democrats are interested in this.
I mean, there's a few people in the media, not really.
Well, I've been aware because of Jamie and because of many other people that the whole way it was established that it was the natural spillover was very faulty.
But not to the extent that you're laying it out here today.
I'm taking you a couple more layers down into the system to tell you what was going on inside the beast.
And again, I'm just blurting it all out because I don't have an agenda.
I don't care...
I'll tell you what I know.
I'll tell you what I don't know.
And what I know is that from Jump, there were a lot of very serious people who wanted to look into this lab and for a number of fucked up reasons that we've just discussed.
It's still not happening.
To this day, it's still not happening.
There's no plan for it.
No one's even really...
I haven't heard anybody come up with a plan for it.
How is that?
How is nobody more curious about how we got into this mess?
By the way, now I'm really going to blow your mind.
Guess what the...
Guess what the plan is to respond to the pandemic, the official international government plan, scientifically.
To take this $200 million program to predict and preempt the pandemic, which...
Didn't predict and preempt, which may have sparked the pandemic.
We don't know, but may have.
And to dump another $1.2 billion into it, a lot of which is U.S. taxpayer money, to take the Fauci-Datastic Project and just make it huge, much bigger.
According to the website, to dig up 500,000 new dangerous viruses from the wild to bring back the lab supply.
Do you think they're taking advantage of the fact that there is this need for an understanding for how to fix a situation like this if it were to occur in the future, the doubling down?
There's sextupling down on their mistake, if it's a mistake.
But all I'm saying is, shouldn't we find out?
Increase this research sixfold?
If it is...
And here's the other thing.
Even if it didn't cause the pandemic, there's a risk, right?
So when the WHO releases its report, the task report says, we went to the lab for three hours.
They told us they didn't do it.
We said, sorry to bother you.
And case closed.
As they're releasing that report, the head of the WHO, Dr. Tedros, who most right-wing outlets accuse of being totally compromised by the CCP. Again, I don't think that's the case.
Again, just as a curious human being, I'm like, oh, why would he do that?
Well, he was trying to save his credibility and the credibility of his organization, because now it seems pretty clear and obvious to more and more people that we're going to have to take a look at these labs.
What I find is that, because I've been having a lot of these conversations, is that, again, when people come to this issue without all that baggage, we have this rational conversation that you and I are having right now.
But when people come to it with the baggage that they had from 2020, it immediately descends into like, oh wait, I tweeted this in March 2020, and this is why I think this is still right.
He's a behavioral scientist, I think, I don't know if that's his real title, at UPenn.
And he wrote this great book.
And it says that, you know, what we're lacking in our politics and in our discourse and in our society is the ability to challenge our own assumptions and that when new information comes in and to To have some sort of constructive disagreement and testing where we can allow ourselves to be wrong because the important thing is not to be right first.
But if you're examining all these viruses and they're doing what they did with these mice by passing it from one to another and seeing what's the most virulent strain, what are you doing other than empowering the viruses?
You're gaining an understanding, but what good is that gain of understanding if there's no significant treatments that are being developed simultaneously?
And that was developed so that we could respond to any virus, not to respond to the coronavirus.
The beauty of the mRNA technology is that you can apply it to the virus you don't know about, which, again, is the big criticism of all of this natural virus project.
The virus is changing all the time.
One virus is changing every single day.
So you could dig up 500,000 viruses.
The next day, those 500,000 viruses will be different.
So what are you really doing?
Now, again, I'm not a scientist.
I know that this is an honest debate inside the scientific community by people who think that this research and whether or not it led to therapeutics, I don't know the details.
Again, I've got to be transparent about the limits of what I don't know everything about.
But the bottom line is that that argument, that scientific project, which I'm sure does include a path towards therapeutics.
How far they got, I'm not sure.
That's one way to do it.
The other way to do it is to take all that money, all of it, all these scientists, the whole industry, and do something different.
And it's called mitigation, surveillance, pre-stocking of supplies, so that when the outbreak happens, again, probably where the bats are, probably where the viruses live.
If I had to guess where the outbreak is going to be, you know, which is again a very weird thing about this when it happened a thousand miles away next to the lab.
In many, many labs all over the world, including this lab in Wuhan.
Now, the person I do think bears a little bit more responsibility is those people in the Chinese labs that were not doing the public research.
And this is a new thing that I'm talking about now, which is that the Trump administration, again, in its Trumpian kind of way, on the very last week of existence, put out the statement.
On January 15th, making claims about the lab.
Bold claims.
And they did a lot of shit in that last week.
You know what I mean?
The rioters came, you know what I mean?
And then they were like, everything was very weird.
My wife could have been in that building that day if she hadn't switched jobs very recently.
And, you know, that shit is scary.
And, you know, walking around D.C., it looked like, you know, the green zone.
That's very...
That hit me.
It really affected me.
But anyway, in that last week, in that confusion, they pushed through a lot of shit.
And Pompeo came out with a statement saying, oh, well, we have all this declassified intelligence about the labs, that there were sick researchers at the lab with COVID-like symptoms in September and October 2019, that there was undisclosed coronavirus research at the lab that they didn't tell us about.
They published some of it, and that they were doing military work at the lab, again, that they didn't tell us about.
Now, these are amongst some other claims, but these are the three big claims that Pompeo made.
Now, of course, for understandable reasons, it's like, how dare you?
Everyone comes Greta Thunberg.
How dare you?
How dare you?
Mike Pompeo.
And, you know, at the time I was like, well, you know, shocking if true.
But I can't trust the Trump administration either because they have a habit of lying.
So the Biden team comes in and I gave him a couple of weeks to get said, I was like, hey, you got to check this out.
Is this true?
They put out these statements.
And to their credit, they did.
They checked it out, and they said, yeah, the facts are true.
Now, what the Biden administration said, the State Department, anti-belief State Department said, we confirm these facts.
In other words, our intelligence does in fact show that there were sick researchers at the lab, that there was undisclosed coronavirus research at the lab, and that there was some undisclosed military work at the lab.
However, we do not agree with the Trump and Pompeo statement that the lab probably did it.
Okay?
That was their hedge, right?
And if you think about it, the Biden people are being...
Fair, you know, because they don't want to take a stance because they're like you.
They weren't part of the bullshit in 2020. They weren't there.
They weren't in office.
They don't care which way it turns out.
They know it might be the lab.
It might be the natural spillover.
So they confirm the facts, but not the political...
Assertions of the Trump administration.
But just going that far, just to say that we confirmed these facts, was significant.
They didn't have to do that.
They went and checked all of the intelligence, what we had, and said, yeah, there is this suspicious activity at the lab that we didn't previously know about.
Now, nobody really...
When the Biden administration releases lab accident theory data, silence.
Robert Redfield...
I remember when Robert Redfield was like, hey, we should probably look at this lab.
The New York Times headline said...
Robert Redford, former CDC director, pushes debunked theory.
But to say something that's so egregious, to say that it's debunked when it hasn't been debunked, there's got to be some sort of motivation to do that.
You know, what I argued is that it's a tragedy that Trump used the China issue to stoke anti-Asian hate, which is, I think, a fact, an undeniable fact.
However, now that Trump is gone, we have to separate these two things.
In other words, we can be critical of the Chinese Communist Party Without being racist against Asian Americans.
In fact, it's crucial that we do that because the Chinese Communist Party intentionally stokes our racial divides, including our anti-Asian hate, in order to divide our society to undermine our democracy to advance its own interests.
Tons and tons of propaganda and trolls, state media.
You should have seen it.
The first time Yang Jishu, the state counselor of China, met with Tony Blinken, he criticized him about Black Lives Matter and George Floyd, right?
Why is he doing that?
In the meeting, in the diplomatic meeting, right?
And if you look at their embassies and their state media, and it's, I mean, it's a multi-billion dollar enterprise.
Constantly pumping out, how does America treat its Asians?
Look at this statistic.
Look at that statistic.
Now that, in a sense, is a very clumsy kind of propaganda.
That's what we can see.
And it's increasing all the time.
And again, with the Facebook groups and the whole thing, all the same shit the Russians did.
And it's meant to drive a wedge into our society to inflame our existing tensions, again, to undermine our own confidence in our society and our democracy.
Oh, look, democracies are so messy.
You have freedom of the press, but everyone's pushing fake news.
And look at China.
It's so wonderful.
There's a million newspapers.
There's only one story.
You go to the bookstore.
This is the book you need to read.
You better download it.
And by the way, if you don't download it, we're going to ding your social credit score.
And so that's the overt part.
Then there's the influence part, which, again, is a big subject of the book, which is Harder to talk about because it's less visible.
And this is the seeding of American institutions with cash and favors and relationships that the Chinese Communist Party has deftly built over decades on both sides of our political spectrum, but also in our institutions, in academia, in Wall Street, especially in Wall Street, in Silicon Valley, in our sports.
In Hollywood, okay?
And you see it everywhere.
And, you know, there are certain watershed moments where it pops into our public consciousness.
And I'm talking about the NBA here, right?
You had one guy, Daryl Morey, who I've, I don't know if you know this, is a former DOD and CIA contractor and a MITRE researcher, a smart guy.
He did, like, the Moneyball research.
He's, like, a brilliant national security guy who happened to find himself as the manager of the Houston Rockets.
While they're cracking down on Hong Kong, he says one tweet, and the NBA is fined, punished to the tune of $400 million?
It was the biggest scandal in sports history, really.
And all of a sudden, millions of people are like, wait a second, we can't tweet something?
They're going to punish our entire company?
Maybe the whole league?
You know, $400 million is not...
Nothing to sneeze at.
And of course the NBA, and this is kind of like what I argue in the book, they didn't know how to deal with that.
They didn't understand, much like the American scientists, much like the American media, they didn't know what they were dealing with.
So what Adam Silver did, quite tragically, was he went to the guy who he thought would have the best line on it, Joseph Tsai, the head of the Brooklyn Nets, who's like a CCP party member.
He's like a kid-eating Taiwanese billionaire, but he's like a chief promoter of the...
So Joseph Tsai puts out this Facebook post, which basically is the Chinese Communist Party line.
You may not criticize Chinese policy.
1.4 billion Chinese people were super offended by that tweet.
Never mind that they don't have Twitter in China.
It's completely banned.
And so what the NBA did was what all these companies do when they get punished by the CCP is they bow and scrape and beg for forgiveness and promise never to do it again.
So they're saying 1.4 billion Chinese people were offended by a tweet in support of Hong Kong protesters who were seeing their freedoms impinged upon by the policies of the CCP. Correct.
And with Hollywood, and with the stock markets, and with Silicon Valley tech companies, and with American universities, all of the sectors of American society see the Chinese economic market as a huge lure, as well they should.
That's not to say we shouldn't engage the Chinese people.
We need exchanges.
We need to have business there.
And this is another sort of conundrum of the U.S.-China relationship that I try to take a stab at in my book, which is that...
We have to engage with the Chinese people.
We can't decouple our economies.
We can't live in two different worlds forever.
It's not going to work.
But we have to find a way to live with China, and we have to convince the Chinese government to find a way to live with us in a way that doesn't compromise our security and our prosperity and our...
Public health.
In other words, you know, while we want, we would love, it's not about regime change.
It's not about a Cold War.
These are sort of like bumper stickers that people throw out to dissuade people from having an honest conversation about how to deal with a Chinese Communist Party that is becoming increasingly problematic in ways that affect our lives.
And what I'm trying to say is that, you know, we have to be clear that, you know, this is not about China or the Chinese people.
This is about the party.
This is the way the party operates.
Do you think that that So there's that company that was airing the NBA games.
They're making a lot of money off of that.
They didn't want to stop airing the NBA games.
They had to do that because the party said so.
When Nike...
What did H&M do?
They put up a statement questioning whether or not the cotton they were getting from Xinjiang was made with forced slave labor.
Just like, hey, we're going to look into it.
For that one statement, their entire business in China was crushed.
Nike, same thing.
For years, they resisted.
These companies, again, they're in a tough position.
I get it.
Hey, the cotton that you're sending us, was that picked by forced labor slaves?
Are we allowed to ask?
Is it okay?
Just for that, Nike's business was destroyed inside China.
How so was it destroyed?
They literally create a...
Well, they do boycotts.
And again, it's not like here where you can boycott something, but you have to convince people.
There, it's like if the government says there's a boycott, there's a boycott.
And then your company can't sell anything in China, and that's 40% of your business.
You're fucked.
It's a pretty big incentive.
And none of these companies are powerful enough to stand up to the CCP on their own, which is why I think they have to work with the U.S. government in some sort of way, but that's not really going on because...
Politicians just want to dunk on the companies or they want to criticize them for not doing the right thing.
But there's no positive incentives to say to the NBA, hey, listen, why don't we get together on this thing and we'll use our diplomatic pressure and our diplomatic tools to make sure that American companies and industries don't get punished by the party for bullshit, like a tweet.
But we're not sophisticated enough in our discussion of China or in our government response to China to actually make that happen.
But I think that's basically where we have to go.
Inescapable question, which is, if Nike's using slave labor for their shoes, why are sneakers so expensive?
So anyway, this is a long way of saying that the parties – to understand China, you have to understand that the party is in control of everything and that dealing with that is just the way things are now.
And that doesn't mean that we have to have a Cold War or that we have to decouple from China.
It just means we have to figure out a new way to first try to convince them not to do the worst things and then second, to protect ourselves if they insist.
One of the things that's confusing to people is that this was never a narrative a decade or two decades ago.
This is a fairly recent discussion that we're having about China.
China was an innocuous, just an enormous country with a lot of people just two decades ago.
Nobody thought about this at all.
They didn't think about China as being this incredibly influential superpower that had particularly its tentacles in terms of business, like how much business they own.
During the pandemic, there's been a lot of purchasing different stocks and learning how much China has bought percentages of companies.
But what I say to that is that, yeah, that's fine, but first of all, how's that going?
You know what I mean?
The China Hand's managing the relationship.
How's that looking right now?
And then secondly, what I say is, It's clear that this has to be a discussion that has to be had by all Americans because no longer does it affect just the China-watching community.
Now it affects all of us.
If you're sitting in your house, if you haven't seen your grandmother in a year, if you're worried about getting sick and dying, you know instinctively, and we can debate how much, but you know that some of that is because of the decisions and policies of the Chinese government and the Chinese Communist Party.
In other words, what happens in Beijing doesn't stay in Beijing.
You know, now that they're intentionally interfering in our politics, our sports, our music, our Hollywood films, our stock markets, our Silicon Valley tech companies, and our academic campuses, We have to get more people into this conversation.
That's what I'm here to do today.
There will be millions of people who have never thought this much about China, and I'm trying to engage them honestly.
You know what I mean?
I'm trying to convince them not to think what I think, but to educate themselves and join in a constructive discussion about how we deal with this shared problem.
And that's a very difficult discussion to have, and it's almost impossible to have in Washington because Washington is so fucked up right now.
But I saw that discussion happening On campuses and inside Silicon Valley tech companies and inside Wall Street firms and inside the government.
And the problem was that all these discussions were siloed.
And then when the FBI comes a knocking at your university and says, hey, we've got to take a look at all your China research, universities are like, fuck you.
Because in America, our institutions guard their independence fiercely and rightly.
So they're not trying to get the FBI to help them.
But on the other hand, this is a problem they kind of need the FBI's help for.
a level of sophistication that we're just not at yet and hopefully the book is meant to sort of bring everybody to some sort of base level of understanding of the problem that we're dealing with so then we can talk about the solutions when you're going over this kind of information and you're writing a book like this and you have all this data that you just spilled out and you do you
I don't mean a literal country, but I mean in terms of being connected to a group of people that see your point, because you're stepping out there sort of in violation of both ideologies.
Well, no, I mean, in a way, I think that I'm putting a voice to a lot of things that a lot of people have been talking about privately for a very long time.
And there's, you know, first of all, inside the government, you know, these are a lot of issues that people were wrestling with, and very honestly, in many cases, even well before Trump.
It just didn't get talked about publicly for a lot of the reasons we've already discussed.
I'm talking about hundreds of millions of dollars of donations.
And if you think that money isn't corrupting, then you're a fool, okay?
And when you have a school take $200 million to build their law school, and it's all from a Chinese Communist Party-linked billionaire...
That school is not putting out research criticizing the Chinese government ever.
They've just bought that school.
And the way that they do it is through a network called the United Front.
And the United Front dates back to Maoist times.
It's still referred to as striking the party's enemies by using the party's friends.
And the United Front system in China is part of the party.
It's baked into its DNA. And what they do is they lord over the party's interactions with anyone who's not in the party.
Some are in China, some are overseas Chinese, and some of them are foreigners like us.
And the way that they do that is through proxies.
And what they do is they set up hundreds all over the world of these proxy figures and organizations which launder the money, billions and billions of dollars, into our institutions, hand over fist all day long for years and years and years and years.
And no one ever...
Kept track of it.
Now people keep track of it a little bit, but not really.
The Trump administration tried to force these universities to report on their foreign funding because they're supposed to, by law, report when you get a certain amount of money.
None of them were doing it.
They found all sorts of bullshit and all sorts of corruptions.
So that's the number one way they do it is they take billions of dollars, they give them to their proxies, which are like Hong Kong billionaires or, you know, Malaysian billionaires or whatever.
Somehow they find it.
It's Thai billionaires, somebody who has an interest in doing business with the party and has billions of dollars.
And somehow they find their way onto American campuses in all sorts of crazy ways.
OK, there's a really good story about this in the book about UT Austin.
Because we're in Austin.
I'm not even going to tell you because I want people to buy the book.
But there's a UT Austin story in there.
It'll blow your mind about how they tried to use Chinese Communist Party money to fund the China Center at UT Austin.
And some of the professors were like, wait a second.
Because these were China professors and they're like, wait a second, is this a good idea?
And it became a huge scandal inside the school and the Washington congressional offices got involved.
I got involved.
I wrote a column about it and they rejected the money.
And that was like the first time they had ever done that.
And this this Chinese influence operation that was targeted at UT Austin at the LBJ school was thwarted.
But that would never have happened a couple of years ago because people weren't even discussing it this way.
That's a real example.
So that's one.
The other one is through Confucius Institutes.
Do you know what these are?
So there are language and cultural learning centers implanted inside universities all over the world, hundreds of them.
And, you know, I joined the Confucius Institute at GW just to see.
I wanted to see if there was, like, any corruption there.
And I'm an alumnus, so I just, like, I signed up.
You could just sign up.
I audited Chinese 101. I'm like, let's see what's going on as part of the reporting for the book.
And I took Chinese 101, and guess what?
There was no malign Chinese influence in the Chinese 101 class.
We were just a bunch of People learning Chinese.
A bunch of college kids.
I went to the reception at the bar that I used to hang out at when I was in college.
I'm 20 years later.
I'm the 40-year-old guy at the bar.
And they come up to me and they're like, Mr. Rogan, why do you want to study at the Confucius Institute?
And I just looked at them.
I said, education is a lifelong endeavor.
That was it.
Because I didn't want them to know that I'm trying to squeeze out the foreign influence in the Confucius Institute.
Anyway, that one was fine.
Other universities, it's a different story.
They use the Confucius Institutes to plant spies.
You don't have to plant them in the GW one because Washington is full of spies.
It's true.
You put them anywhere.
You can't swing a dead cat without hitting a couple spies in Washington.
Like, the Russian guy with, like, the belt up to here and, like, the white patent leather loafers who's like, oh, Mr. Rogan, you're here at this bar, too?
Seems like I would want to investigate privately before I put that out to the GP. I was trying to get the Homeland Security Department to check it out.
So here's a great example of a really tough problem in US-China relations, which is that we want Chinese students to come to America, right?
Not just for the schools who make a bunch of money off of it, but because that's a key way of having our societies not fall into these silos where we can't deal with each other, which is terrible, right?
At the same time, there's a threat there.
Because once they build these Confucius Institutes...
Oh, by the way, there's a lot of corruption in the Confucius Institutes.
Then they tell you that you can't have the Dalai Lama come to your campus because they could offend 1.4 billion Chinese people.
That's a real example.
And then they have these student associations, which are linked up with the consulates.
And what they do is they monitor the Chinese students.
So if you're a Chinese student in America, you still don't have free speech because everyone's watching everybody.
And if you say the wrong thing, boom, you're on the next plane back to...
China and your whole family is fucked.
Okay?
So then we're like, oh, well, when Chinese students come to America, should we protect them?
Should they be able to say what they want?
Or is that none of our fucking business?
On the other hand, you know, if we put big barriers up to these Chinese students, you know, aren't we becoming the thing that we hate?
Aren't we becoming the thing that we're fighting, which is a closed society that's like doesn't that treats people from outside badly?
You know, I can't go to China right now.
The last time I went to China was 2016.
There's no way I could get a visa at this moment.
All the Washington Post reporters were kicked out even before.
You know what I mean?
So we don't want to become the thing we're fighting.
We have to the best way to compete and with China is to be the best version of ourselves, to make sure that our model is the attractive one.
And the way that we do that is, in my opinion, is by living up to our values and by being decent and tolerant and pluralistic and open and free and democratic and standing up for human rights and the rule of law and all those things that we profess to believe in.
Not that we've done a great job of it.
Like I watch your show.
You have plenty of people who point out all the flaws in that history.
I agree with that.
Yeah, mistakes were made.
But nevertheless, that's what that's our argument to all the countries in the world, because what they're doing is they're exporting that authoritarian model, not in the exact same way, but the technologies and everything to any despot and dictator in the world who will purchase it, you know.
And that's the grand struggle.
It's not really about the US versus China, it's about Free and open societies responding to China's rise where it affects us.
And because Trump was Trump, this got framed as a US-China Cold War.
But the honest way to talk about it is an international response to China's actions as it rises.
And that response requires dealing with all these other countries which have different interests.
But there are cases where the interests overlap and there are cases where our values overlap.
And we have to take advantage of those overlaps in order to join together to, again, Combat the biggest country in the world that's run by a mafia organization.
And these are very, very complicated things to think about.
And that's where that discussion, again, is not really happening.
Despite all you get is like, you know, China bad and then, oh, don't say bad about China.
You're a cold warrior.
And that's like the level of the of the discourse and it's crazy and it's really it's it's the opposite of what we need and that's sort of like Where I'm at on it.
Is it possible that the recognition of this issue and especially when it relates to American?
Institutes of higher learning could allow them to understand the hole in the logic of having these sort of closed ecosystems where they have this there's echo chambers in American institutions of higher learning now.
So many universities are—they're not liberal in the sense of what we originally thought of as—they're leftist.
And because of that, they won't even entertain opposing viewpoints or have debate.
Which is very dangerous.
Sure.
It's also...
This is not to say that you should support those other ideas, but you've got to entertain them and debate them and squash them with better logic.
The simple, lazy way to handle it is to stop it, and to pull fire alarms, and to yell at people, and to not have people that have opposing viewpoints, and don't allow conservatives on your campus.
But I think it's really dangerous, and I think it opens us up to more manipulation.
Not just China, but whatever foreign entities are, and we know they are.
We know Russia's doing that with the Internet Research Agency.
They're manipulating our biases.
And they're aware of them, and so they're using our own struggle that we're having internally with free speech and with open discussion and honest debate.
And they're reinforcing the idea that it's a good thing to stop this stuff and to squash it.
I'm hoping that the silver lining is we recognize that one of the reasons why the First Amendment is so important, it's we need to figure out who's right.
And the only way to figure out who's right is to listen to who's wrong and to have the person who's right debate the person who's wrong, and let's find out where the facts are, and let's also agree to disagree occasionally.
In this country now, if you are in any way conservative, you're a Nazi and you're a racist and you're a terrible person and you're against history.
That's not the case.
There's a lot of people that are fiscally conservative but socially liberal.
Yeah, like me.
I think I am as well.
Certainly, there's a lot of me that leans towards, like, I understand human nature, right?
And this is one of the reasons why I'm a big proponent of the Second Amendment.
I don't understand why people don't understand that there's times where you can defend yourself with a firearm.
How is that not, how is that, when you see people saying that, oh, if you are in favor of the Second Amendment, you're in favor of mass shootings, you're in favor of No, that's not what I'm saying.
What I'm saying is the reality of human beings.
These ideologies, the problem with them, specifically in this country, is that you get lumped off into camps.
Chris Rock had a great bit about it years ago about gangs.
That you're in a gang.
You're in a liberal gang.
You're in a conservative gang.
And he's right.
He did a great job of putting it into comedy.
And Chris does an awesome job of doing that with a lot of subjects.
But with that in particular, it really resonates today.
Because people don't have the time to research like you've done with China.
Or like many people have done with many subjects.
And really find all the nuances and find all the things that are uncomfortable to discuss, like you're discussing with all the things about COVID-19, like the things you're discussing about the CCP and their influence and all these different businesses and entertainment.
There's a lot of people that don't have the time to do that.
So when you start criticizing, you know, in any way, China, they equate you to racist.
And don't you understand about the anti-Asian American hate that's elevated in this country right now?
So first of all, I agree with everything that you said.
We're...
To the word.
But the way that hits me when I filter that through my own intellectual prism is that the incentives are driving people into those things.
In other words, why are journalists on Team Trump or Team Trump?
It's because that's the incentive that results in their success in their careers.
That's the human nature.
The corporations have the incentive.
What's their incentive?
To make money for their stockholders, not to defend human rights for the Uyghurs, right?
The colleges, their incentives are not to get sued, so they have to create all these crazy safe spaces and the such, right?
So if we build our incentive system to drive people into the teams and then we're like, why is everybody on teams?
And then isn't that fucking up our own discourse?
Well, it leads me to the conclusion that, okay, well, maybe we have to change the incentives.
And when you talk about conservatives and liberals, again, I think the only reason that people even listen to me on this topic, if they do, I hope they do, is because I'm criticizing Trump and I'm praising Trump.
That messes with their minds, right?
I'm criticizing the CCP, but I'm not a conservative.
I'm You know, a center-left Democrat.
You know, I always have been.
I never, you know, preach about it because it's not relevant really to the U.S.-China relationship in any serious way.
But, you know, I've been doing this for 17 years.
I never, you know, joined the conservative media because I never joined the liberal media because I didn't believe in either of that shit.
I think my basic premise is both sides are fucked.
Both sides are corrupt in their own ways.
And by the way, as a journalist, if you're Criticizing both sides, you get double the stories.
If you can pull that off, if you can source on both sides and criticize both sides, you get double the scoops and double the credibility.
Again, I'm not perfect.
I haven't always done that perfectly.
I'm sure I have my own source bias.
I've made mistakes.
But that's how I think about it.
So you have to think for yourself, first of all.
And the only way you can really do that is if you're not bound by your incentives and your paymasters.
If you work for an organization, like, remember all those conservative newspapers that are like, organizations like, oh, Trump's terrible, Trump's terrible.
If you read the book, there's a ton of stuff that the Trump administration did right on China.
Not Trump, really, to be honest, because he was kind of a...
What's the correct word?
Moron, I guess is the word I'm certain.
In other words, that he...
Not to be too unfair to him, a fool?
There's a story in there about how the coronavirus is, the news is coming out, and people like Pottinger, the guy I told you about, and other people are like, hey Trump, listen, this is bad.
We've got to get on top of this.
And Trump's like, well, okay, let me talk to Mick Mulvaney.
Mick Mulvaney's like, no, it's going to be fine.
Don't worry about it.
He's like, okay, I've got two competing sets of advice.
And he talks to his good friend Xi Jinping.
And Xi Jinping, what does he tell him?
February 6th, March 26th, two calls, exclusively reported in Chaos Under Heaven, where he says, hey, listen, Trump, it's going to be fine.
It goes away during warm weather.
Herbal medicine will treat it.
We've got it under control.
All lies coming from the Chinese president to the American president directly.
And two days later, Trump is saying...
Oh yeah, don't worry, it's going to be fine.
Many people are saying it's going to go away in warm weather.
He didn't say that many people were saying it was his good friend Xi Jinping, right?
He believed Xi Jinping.
That had a horrible effect on our policy and on the health and safety of millions of Americans.
But that's what happened.
That's not a good story for Trump.
At the same time, I'm prepared to argue that there are lots of things that the Trump administration did to reset our conversation on China that the Biden administration is continuing for a very good reason because they make perfect sense.
Right.
So what we're missing from our conversation is nuance.
And yes, constructive disagreement is a huge part of that.
But I don't know.
I don't know enough about American universities on how to solve that.
But I do see something inspiring, actually, which is that when I started speaking to a lot of these college students about these issues, And you know what I found, which surprised me actually, is that they get this, okay?
And, you know, I'm 42 years old.
I don't have my finger on the pulse of what's going on inside the Generation Z community, admittedly.
But I've talked to enough of these students who say, no, no, no, we understand that genocide against Uyghur Muslims is bad and we can't stand for it.
So in this region of China, which is a very resource-rich region that has been ruled by different elements of Chinese leadership over the course of hundreds of years, there resides a rich tapestry of ethnic minorities.
Now, the Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang are the largest of, let's say, 12 million out of 20 million people in this particular province, right?
And, you know, what started many years ago was slow but steady encroaching upon their rights and their freedoms, okay?
And then this took its form in a number of different ways.
But what really made it sinister was not the camps, actually.
It was the mass surveillance, monitoring, and persecution that happens before you get to the camp, before you even...
was something called a concentration camp in Xinjiang, you know that every move of your life is monitored.
They took the technology, the AI and the facial recognition, which was developed in part with American tech companies, quite willingly, and then funded by Wall Street, by the way, American investor dollars, funneling to the companies that are building the technology Cameras that sit atop the streets that can spot a Uyghur by their facial recognition so that the police can come down and tell you what's what.
And these people were living in an open-air prison before there were ever concentration camps.
Now, then the destruction of hundreds of mosques, then all of a sudden...
All of the journalists and leaders and thinkers and musicians and artists and political leaders disappeared, right?
That was before the camps.
And there were a lot of people like, wait a minute, this is pretty fucked up.
Then they came up with these camps, which are like, I mean, listen, I get that there's like, there were a couple terrorist incidents, but imagine if, you know, we had a couple terrorist incidents here.
And I'm not saying we treated Muslims well after 9-11.
We did not.
I have many Muslim American friends who were treated horribly and continue to be, actually.
And that's a stain on our country and our society.
But we didn't build indoctrination camps and put two million Muslims in them.
You know, yes, did we do that with the Japanese?
Sure, yeah, but let's just deal with this for one second.
And, you know, now there's a ton of just like really horrendous, pernicious genocide denialism.
And that's what the Chinese are pumping out right now.
The Chinese Communist Party, rather.
No, these are wonderful centers.
Look at this video of these people singing a wonderful song.
They're very happy here.
Everybody loves it.
And it's all bullshit.
And, you know, what I did, of course, right in the book is what I interviewed a bunch of survivors.
Okay?
Because whatever statistic you have, and the legal definition of genocide is a determined thing.
And it says that, you know, the intent to destroy a group of people in whole or in part, okay...
And now there's two key things in there.
One is the destroying in part, and the other is the intent.
So what a lot of people will say is, well, we don't know their intent.
Maybe they're just fucking with the Uyghurs because they fuck with everybody.
Or maybe that's just like, now concentration camps are the way that Chinese do business, and that's horrible, but it's not genocide.
But setting the legal definition aside, what I decided to do is interview a bunch of the survivors.
And their stories are true.
They're not lying.
And their scars are real.
They didn't invent their scars that they showed me.
And their stories are harrowing.
And just for a couple examples, just to paint the picture, We have this thing called Radio Free Asia, where you have people broadcasting news in other languages.
It's paid for by the U.S. government.
I mean it's a little bit controversial, but basically a lot of journalists trying to do their best to report news to other people around the world.
Some in Europe.
This was used during the Cold War.
Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty were a key part of convincing the East Germans that they had a better life awaiting for them if they could just throw off the dictatorship.
Anyway, skip ahead 50 years.
The 26 journalists, Americans, mostly Americans, who work for Radio Free Asia in Washington doing reporting on this.
they were from the first to break the news of the camps Some of it we saw from satellites.
All of a sudden there's a grass field, then there's a huge camp, right?
Looks like a prison, acts like prison, walks like a prison.
It's a prison.
And these journalists, 26 of them, every single one of them, all their family members were scooped up and put into the camps.
All of them.
Americans.
Their fathers, their mothers, their aunts and uncles disappeared.
They never heard from them again for the crime of reporting on the camps, okay?
So that's one thing.
They target anyone who refuses to shut up about it.
Then I met this young woman named Vera Zhou.
And Vera Zhou was a 20-year-old—she's not even Uyghur, actually.
She's Hui Muslim.
And she was a student in Seattle at University of Washington.
And she goes home to visit her dad in Xinjiang, and she logs onto her VPN to file her homework for college.
They have a University of Washington virtual private network.
Three hours later— We're going to need you to come downtown.
What?
What happened?
Just come with us.
Three hours later, she was in handcuffs.
Eight hours after that, she was in a camp.
Okay?
So, an American resident, Chinese national, 20-year-old young woman, sophomore in college, never heard a fly, not a terrorist, not even a dissident, just trying to go to college, trying to do her homework.
She spent five months in the camp.
The story is awful.
But then that was only the beginning of her nightmare because then she got let out of the camp for an interesting reason and she couldn't leave China.
So she was stuck.
They wouldn't give her a passport back.
Spent another two years in China waiting for them to get her passport back.
They finally gave it to her.
She came back to Seattle.
Her credit was fucked.
She lost her apartment.
She'd be de-enrolled from her school because she didn't pay her bills or attend the classes while she was in the camp.
And the University of Washington didn't lift a finger to help her.
And her whole life was fucked up for the simple crime of pressing click on the VPN once.
That's a capricious form of abuse.
And that's not even getting into the next stage.
So then you've got the open-air prison that is Xinjiang.
Then you've got the camps.
Oh, but wait, you get out of the camp.
Your nightmare is just beginning because now you've got to go to the factory.
What factory?
Shut up.
Just get in the car.
We'll take you to the factory.
Now you're picking cotton or sewing together Nikes.
You can leave the factory, but you can't go home.
Oh, we're going to pay you, so you're not a slave, but you don't have a choice.
You better show up at that fucking factory.
And that's your life now.
What about my kids?
Well, what do you mean, what about your kids?
Well, when I went into the camp, I had a newborn baby.
Well, we had no choice.
We had to send that kid to an orphanage somewhere, and you'll never see him again.
Maybe you will, maybe you won't.
Some of the people got their kids back, some didn't.
And then there was another woman who I interviewed who said when she was finally let out of the camp, they were like, oh, we have to give you a medical check.
And they put her under, and then when she woke up, they were like, okay, you can go now.
This is mass forced sterilization and mass forced abortion, all these things.
Okay, now people will quibble about the data.
I'm saying I've talked to humans who this happened to.
They're not lying.
I looked into their eyes.
They're not lying.
And there are many, many stories.
And that's the thing about all...
I mean, it's the same...
I hate to use this analogy because it's like God wins law, but when you think about the Chinese government, This is a real example, a boat with 17,000 tons of human hair.
17,000 tons of human hair from Xinjiang.
And do you think that hair was given over willingly by those Uyghur women?
Do you think they were properly compensated for that hair?
Because the ones I talked to said they didn't get a dime for the hair that was shaved off their head that got put on a boat and sent to California.
When the Trump administration, again, something they did right, had the audacity to say, no, we're not going to take that human hair, and we're not going to put it on...
It's not really an issue for you, by the way.
But, like, most people didn't want to put...
Once they know that the hair was shaved off of the concentration camp victims' heads, they don't want to put it on their heads.
You know what I mean?
Because, in essence, Americans are good people.
Once they're aware of these atrocities, they don't want to be complicit in them.
And we turned back that boat that had the 17,000 tons of human hair, and then...
The Communist Party went crazy and Punish the companies and, oh, sanctions, you Cold War crazy, you hawk Pompeo Americans, what are you doing to us?
You guys are all racist.
That's what we're dealing with.
We're dealing with, do you want to put the concentration camp hair on your head?
Do you want to put the forced slave labor cotton on your back?
And to be honest, most Americans had no idea, right?
And they're like, okay, well, now that I know that...
And then some of them, after they're learning, they still won't care.
Some of them will say, that's not my problem.
That happens over there.
That's not over here.
But what I'm saying is that if you – again, if you believe in sort of the idea of human dignity, the path of the enlightenment, liberty and democracy and human rights and people can choose what they want to do and choose who they want to worship and choose who they want to love, these are the things – More than geopolitics matter to human beings at their core, then these actions can only be described with one word, and that word is evil.
And that word evil is a big word, and it deserves some justification.
It deserves some explanation.
At the same time, it's kind of a word that we can't live without for some reason, because when we see it, it's so clear and it's so stark that we have to call it out.
So, a lot of these companies are realizing that they've become corporate hostages of the CCP, and that's a tough calculation for Apple.
Again, I'm not insensitive to the bind that they're in.
And again, I don't think there's any easy solutions, but what everybody misses, actually, That's one part of the problem.
Forced technology transfer.
You hear a lot about IP theft and trade subsidies and all the things that were part of the trade war, by the way, which was not a whole other subject.
But that's not really the way that we're supporting.
That's not really the problem.
The problem is...
That hundreds of millions of Americans are unwittingly funding all of these malign Chinese companies passively through their pensions and investments and indexes and other Wall Street companies.
In other words, what I'm trying to say is that the biggest transfer of power and wealth to these malign Chinese companies and to all Chinese companies comes from Wall Street, comes from American firms who have been drastically increasing their involvement, assistance and holdings of these Chinese companies, including the ones that build the concentration camps and the cameras that sit atop the concentration camp walls.
And the companies that sell the cotton, but also the companies that build the missiles that are pointed at us, and the companies that are doing the spying of our cyber hacking.
And if you just think of that just for one second, and this is like a chapter about this in my book, but this is like the bleeding edge.
Now we're getting to the bleeding edge, because we're getting to the real shit here.
And the real shit is that hundreds of millions of Americans, your pension, everything, you don't manage that.
That's not like invested.
Most people, I don't know about you, but for me, I trust my pension to whoever is running that pension.
Now, if you knew that that pension was increasing its holdings in these malign Chinese companies, you would think, oh, wait a minute.
Now I'm invested in the success of these companies.
And, of course, from the Chinese side, that's exactly what they want.
They want to build a constituency inside of our society such that, again, to put Americans to a choice between interests.
Oh, wait.
If we sanction Hikvision, this is a real example.
They make the cameras.
Their cameras are amazing, right?
They can search through a crowd and find the Uyghur.
That's the Uyghur.
Okay.
But if you don't care about that, it's just a great camera.
Wall Street is pumping money into that company, left, right, and center.
Now, the U.S. government is sanctioning that company.
But what's the point of sanctioning the company if Wall Street is going to come in and fund it times 10?
It doesn't make any sense.
It's crazy.
But that just what I've just said there is also like too hot for TV.
People can't wrap their minds around it because they're still trying to figure out, you know, about the IP theft and the trade subsidies or whatever other bullshit that we've been talking about for the last 20 years.
But these Wall Street firms, rather than wake up to the sort of challenge that we're in and have an honest discussion about how to mitigate the risks, again, we don't want to decouple.
We don't want to say we can't invest in China.
We need to do business in China.
We should do business in China.
At the same time, there's got to be some limits.
There's got to be some points where we say, okay, well, maybe the company that builds the cameras that sit atop the concentration camp walls, maybe that's one we shouldn't pour Americans' money into.
And by the way, once 100 million Americans are invested in that company, it's going to make it a lot harder to sanction that company because they're going to have a constituency.
You know, they're tying our financial interests to their political interests.
Again, it's not for the benefit of China.
It's for the benefit of the party who wants to do a genocide against Muslims.
And the big sort of reveal is that this effort to sort of change China is not going to work.
It wasn't going to work.
It shouldn't be our job.
It's hubristic, right?
All of the restraint crowd people, all of the libertarians out there who are like, oh, this is just another scam to Have the military industrial complex have an excuse for endless defense budgets.
Now we're going to have the new Cold War with China.
That's going to be the thing we're going to spend all of our trillions on to replace Afghanistan, right?
I hear that a lot.
I get that a lot.
But what I'm trying to say is I get that.
But here's what I would say is that the competition with China is really not a military competition, okay?
So yes, we're going to need some military stuff, but don't get too concerned.
I mean, be concerned about the horrendous abuses of the military-industrial complex, which are real, but that's not the point of the China competition.
Economic, ideological, and technological competition for most.
And the real action is really in the markets.
It's really in the capital markets.
And Wall Street doesn't want to talk about that for very obvious reasons because they're getting rich.
And the press that covers Wall Street doesn't understand geopolitics and the political press doesn't understand Wall Street.
And all I did was try to connect those as much as I could in like half a chapter, which is incomplete to be sure.
But that doesn't get us to anyway how we deal with it.
And what the Trump administration tried to do is they tried to order these Wall Street companies to divest.
And these Wall Street companies were like, fuck you.
And that's an unsettled question.
But I would just ask any listener or viewer out there, if you knew that your pension was tied to concentration camps, do you care?
Does that bother you?
Some people may say no.
It's none of our business.
But I say it bothers me.
I don't want my pension being used to build concentration camps.
That's just me.
So that's what I'm going to try to argue against and try to affect change if I can.
No company that does manufacturing in China is immune from the pressures.
What Apple did was they moved their cloud servers for Chinese users inside China, essentially giving up on the privacy of those Chinese users.
They erased a bunch of Hong Kong apps from the App Store at the Chinese Communist Party's demand because they were helping the Hong Kong protesters figure out how to protest for freedom and democracy.
They're constantly kowtowing.
They're the prime example because they're fucked.
They're in a hostage situation.
One of the stories that hasn't even really broken out yet, that nobody really talks about, is when Apple wanted to change its privacy controls to give people with their iPhones actually more control over their data, all their Chinese partners decided to ignore that and build a workaround.
In other words, you have 10 major Chinese tech companies that are producing content and apps for iPhones who are declining to follow Apple's rules.
There's nothing Apple can do about it because if they protest, the Chinese Communist Party is going to literally shut down their profit-making ability, and that's a huge, huge, huge business.
So it gets to your decoupling question, which is like, okay, if we can't change China, and we shouldn't try because it's hubristic to think that they're going to become like us, China's going to develop...
In a way determined by the Chinese people one way or the other.
That's what four decades of U.S. military intervention failures should have taught us, is that we can't change these countries, okay?
But what we can do is we can put them to a choice.
In other words, we can say, okay, if you're insistent on doing this bad behavior, we're going to act accordingly and change our behavior to respond.
And that could be a mix of increasing the cost of the bad behavior.
That's what tariffs are about.
People will say tariffs are about lots of different things.
They're really about Imposing a cost on the Chinese industry so that it's harder for them to do business the wrong way.
And then we're going to take measures to protect ourselves, which means some decoupling.
It means we don't have to have everything here, but we better have some masks.
You know what I mean?
How about masks?
Okay, well, nobody thought before 2019, what's the difference?
We don't need mask factories.
Why would you build a mask factory?
It's a thousand times cheaper to do in China.
Now, you don't have to make that argument.
Everybody knows we're going to need our own fucking masks, right?
Why?
Because there's going to be another pandemic and we don't want to have to bow and scrape and promise to shut up about Hong Kong just to get our masks.
We could make partnerships with the Taiwanese companies.
That's complicated.
Okay, that's another good idea.
These are all good ideas.
None of them are actually progressing because we're all...
You know, talking past each other and, you know, trying to like, you know, talking about like, you know, whether or not it's okay to say Wuhan virus, you know what I mean?
That's the level of our discussion.
So just as far as we've gotten in this time, it's way farther than I've ever gotten in my entire life talking about this stuff, to be honest with you.
Because it takes three hours to get to the point, which is that, OK, we have a complex problem.
And good meaning people who may disagree have to come together and come up with complex, complex solutions.
And all those solutions aren't perfect and they all require tradeoffs.
And if we get out of Afghanistan, that should give us a little bit more attention to focus on this.
And maybe we don't need to have $80 billion of intelligence community shit pointed at jihadis in Yemen.
We could take some of that and point it at some of these labs because guess what?
That's actually also very important because Washington is so broken after Trump, really broken.
I mean, I've been there for 24 years.
And it's always been sort of this like functional, what I call functional dysfunction.
Nothing worked the way it was supposed to.
But it kind of all muddled along.
Budgets got done.
Everybody was kind of equally unhappy, but equally happy.
Trump smashed that.
He flipped over the chessboard.
And you could say that that needed to be done, but what he failed to do is set it back up again.
That's what the Biden administration is charged with doing.
And I think they're making an honest effort to do that, but they're also caught by their own politics and their own bureaucracy and their own infighting and their own bullshit, which is natural.
But the dichotomy of the book is that we have this awakening in American society to the challenge of a rising China But the first inning was played by the Trump administration, and because they were such a mess—so it's called chaos under heaven—they fucked a lot of it up.
Okay, so just take a look at the trade war, right?
So Donald Trump, I read every book that he professes to have written, and a ton of them mention China, right?
And a lot of them say the same exact thing, which is that we got a problem here.
The Chinese government has been taking advantage of our economy and we need to stop.
And that's what he said in the campaign trail.
He was determined to do that.
I understand the trade war was very unpopular, and even amongst Republicans, the idea of tariffs and all of this trade stuff was like an anathema to their core ideological belief system.
Okay, I get that.
But what you saw, actually, inside the government, underneath, was a genuine effort to find ways to convince the Chinese government to do something different.
But the problem was that Trump was such a Bad tactician, right?
He had this vision of like fixing the thing, but he varied between different ways to do it that he kept handing the trade issue.
First, he handed it to Wilbur Ross, then Jerry Kushner, then Steve Mnuchin, then Lighthizer, and then Navarro.
And it was just such a disaster policy and bureaucracy wise that it had no chance of achieving its own aims.
So he took this big shot at fixing the trade relationship.
He didn't get shit.
The phase one deal is meaningless.
What's $50 billion worth of soybean sales when you have a $6 trillion pandemic and a $600 billion IP?
You know what I mean?
It's crazy.
It's piddly.
It matters to those soybean salesmen.
Those guys are very happy.
But it didn't actually solve any of the problems.
And so that was a big missed opportunity right there, right?
Same thing with like, you remember, did you follow this TikTok WeChat fan thing?
That was a crazy one because, you know, again, once Trump realized that Xi Jinping had lied to him, his good friend Xi Jinping, who they had chocolate cake.
Remember with that chocolate cake that we had at Mar-a-Lag?
The most beautiful chocolate cookie I ever saw in your life.
And he really thought they were really good friends, you know?
And so, like, you know, once he realized that that was all bullshit and that actually they weren't friends, he turned on Xi Jinping and he unleashed his national security people to do whatever they wanted.
The first thing they're like, we're going to ban TikTok.
Which is a weird hill to die on if you think about it.
Because it's TikTok.
I get it.
I don't have it because I don't want...
I think there's definitely some risk there.
We don't know how much.
But probably not the number one issue in U.S.-China relations that we need to address.
But anyway, they issued an executive order banning TikTok.
Okay, well, that's a pretty serious thing.
We're now banning Chinese tech companies.
Okay, well, that's kind of interesting.
We should do that pretty carefully.
So he does that, but then he hands the negotiation over to Mnuchin, who switches the priority from banning TikTok to saving TikTok.
And he tries to make a deal with Oracle and the Chinese company to IPO TikTok to make everybody rich.
He takes it back from the national security people.
And then the Chinese government was like, no, fuck you.
We're not doing that.
We're not handing you TikTok.
That's our golden goose.
You can't have it.
And then they sued us in American courts and the whole thing got kaflooey.
So that's a good example of where they took a very serious issue and then totally screwed it up because of their own incompetence.
So again, for those people who don't know, Huawei is like the biggest Chinese telecom company there is.
They're all over the world.
And the Trump administration went around the world saying, hey, African country, South American country, you better not do Huawei.
Why not?
Well, it's a huge security vulnerability.
Okay, well, what do you have to offer us in its place?
Well, nothing.
Oh, okay, well then fuck you.
And then, you know, the Chinese come in, they're like, hey, they don't come in and say, hey, would you like to buy Huawei?
They say, hey, would you like to get rich?
And would you like to have your dictatorship absolved of any war crimes in the UN? And we're going to build you a house in a soccer stadium.
And then we're going to give everybody in your country phones.
And for free.
And then we're going to give you a 5G technology that's going to make your economy go whiz, whiz, whiz at 30 cents on the dollar.
And that's it.
Happy birthday.
And these dictators are like, yes, please.
I'll take that.
That sounds good to me.
And then here comes Mike Pompeo.
He's like, oh, you better not do that.
USA's going to be very angry with you.
They're like, OK, well, we care about that, too, but we're going to take all of the money and corruption and all this shit that the Chinese are offering us.
So it's a it's a it's a great example of sort of.
And then, of course, Trump changes mind about it all the time.
So it's another great example of how they took this important issue and they brought it up to the fore rightly, drew a circle around it rightly because it is a risk.
But then bungled it in the execution.
And so now it's just like a mess that the Biden administration has to clean up.
Once they connect it, once they are bought in, and once there's a debt to be paid, that debt is collected by a different Chinese organization that's not a company, it's a criminal organization.
What I'm trying to get to here is that the CCP works with the actual Chinese gangs.
In Hong Kong, the triads, which are like the Chinese gangs, beat up the protesters, right?
Why are they doing that?
Why are the Chinese gangs acting on behalf of the CCP to beat up Hong Kong protesters?
If we were smart, what would we do is we'd go to these countries and say, listen, do you like your cell phones with spying or without spying?
Now, I know a lot of the listeners are going to, doesn't the NSA spy on all our shit too?
Yes, we spy.
Yes, we're guilty of this stuff too.
I'm not excusing the US government's abuses.
And believe me, I spent years and years reporting on the US government's abuses just because I am a Washington guy who reports The Washington Post.
I'm against US government abuses.
So again, two ideas in our head at the same time.
The US government can abuse its spying powers and the Chinese government can abuse its spying powers.
But basically, it's not the same.
And if you build an AT&T or a Verizon network or if you build a Huawei network, those two things are not the same.
And both of them have vulnerabilities.
But I'd rather have the non-Huawei network.
But these countries would also rather have it because they know that once they get bought in, once they take the bribe, once they take the corruption, once they take the package, that's it.
They're sold.
There's no going back.
You can't untangle yourself from that.
They would, in many cases, prefer to work with us if we had something to offer.
In other words, we can't just bash China that's not productive.
We have to have an alternative that's based on our values, that's based on rule of law and free commerce and companies that are less susceptible to governments buying.
And we're not doing that.
But if we had a more proactive, more aggressive counter, that would help.
Yeah, I mean, yeah, I've spent a lot of time on this, but there are a lot of people...
How does this end is a really interesting question, because again, you know, there are some people who say we have to bring down the CCP right now, like Steve Bannon, you know, and Peter Navarro and these guys, and they're like, okay, well, listen, if this is the reality, then we've got to bring those guys down right now.
And I argue, and many people like me argue, that the best way to avoid it is by confronting this problem now, by addressing it now, that the more we let it fester, that the more powerful and evil and expansionist and aggressive and repressive the CCP gets, And guess what?
It's all going in that direction.
But according to all of the evidence and everything we see, The more dangerous this situation becomes because their appetite grows with the eating.
The more powerful they get, the more they tell us to go fuck ourselves.
And so we have a limited amount of time to prove to them that we actually do desire a world where they can have their country.
It doesn't mean we're going to shut up about their atrocities, but it means that what we're concerned most about is what their actions are in our countries.
That the real fight against the CCP and the competition with China Begins inside of our own borders, in our schools, in our markets, in our Silicon Valley tech companies, in our sports, and in our movies.
And that's where we have to focus the most of our efforts.
Then we have to join with our allies and partners, specifically in the region, who are facing the same problem that we are.
And so that's how this ends, is that, you know, in the best case scenario, is that we convinced the Chinese Communist Party to limit its ambitions such that we can all live together and avoid the hot war.
But ignoring the problem is not a strategy.
And history shows us that when you face expansionist, totalitarian, pseudo-religious dictatorships, inevitably they keep expanding and they keep gaining until confronted.
Okay, outside of the hot war, is there another scenario that you could see that also would be similarly worst case in terms of what they've done to Hong Kong?
Yeah, they changed the world to be safe for autocracy and repression.
In other words, they compromise us and are so powerful that we can't stand up to them that we lose what Christopher Hitchens would call our way of life.
But yes, when you see – that's why we have to stand up against things like self-censorship in our own society.
That's when Daryl Morey tweets something, everybody who believes in the enlightenment and individual liberty and the path of human dignity It has a responsibility to say, no, fuck you.
We can tweet whatever we want.
And they have to learn that we're going to tweet whatever we want, whether they like it or not.
And they can't tell us not to.
Because that's the slippery slope where we're, okay, well, we can't have a China studies program that talks about Tibet.
I mean, it already happened in Hollywood.
When's the last time we saw a Hollywood movie about Tibet?
It's been about 20 years.
20 years!
I haven't seen one.
What's Richard Gere doing?
These are the guys out of work.
There's a reason.
There will become a tipping point where we're so invested in these Chinese companies that sinking them, even if they're committing atrocities, will sink our own economy.
So that we have to figure out what we have to protect, where we have to decouple, and where we don't.
There are plenty of places where we don't.
That's fine.
We should encourage interactions, and we should keep encouraging our shared Essential oneness.
There's something just true about the fact that all humans share some sort of commonality.
But the point is, this is crazy, for like six weeks, it wasn't banned in China.
And there were thousands of people from mainland China On the app talking with Tibetans and Ai Weiwei and Hong Kongers and dissidents and Americans and in Chinese.
And what I witnessed is that they actually were not all that different.
Actually, these people want the same things that we want.
And they are not stupid.
They're not brainwashed.
They understand their government.
They know what they're dealing with.
They might think about it differently than us.
They're not as critical of us.
They don't know everything.
There was this one woman who didn't know about the Xinjiang concentration camps, but she learned about it.
No, but there were a lot of my friends who were Chinese speakers were in these other rooms, and we were having this crazy community of people who were coming together, and then the Chinese Communist Party shut it down.
So they shut it down in China, and you can't even get it through a VPN? There are some people who have found out tricky ways to get through the firewall, but they do so at great risk.
It was early on, but now it's like basically anybody can join.
But my point is that if you engage with Chinese people, good things happen, and we need to somehow preserve that engagement without succumbing to the party's rules and edicts and doctrines.
And that, again, is a very difficult thing that I'm not prepared to give you the perfect solution for at this moment.
You know, this struggle for human dignity and individual liberty is universal.
It dates back to Descartes and Spinoza and Thomas Paine.
Thomas Jefferson and Orwell will continue in future generations.
In other words, the long arc of history does bend towards justice.
Despite how bleak it looks now, in the end, people do want those things.
Our offer is better.
People don't want to live on their knees.
People don't want to be chattel of the party state.
People want to think for themselves and love who they want.
That's better.
If you ask any person, even any Chinese person, who doesn't have a mind or standing over them, they'll choose that thing.
So if we keep that idea in our mind, then we don't have to worry about if you're Republican or Democrat or American even.
It doesn't even matter because this is a universal truth that human dignity and individual liberty and rights are things that we all must strive for and that we all have a responsibility to advocate for.
And if we keep focused on that mission, then we can take the politics out of this and we can join in our shared humanity and make some progress.
That sounds awesome, but how do you get a country that's under the grip of a totalitarian party, under a regime that does have supreme control, under a regime that is more than willing to commit genocide and force people into slave labor?
How do you convince them that that's not the way to go, especially when they have ultimate control and it's been insanely profitable and the power that they've amassed is unprecedented?
In terms of the ability to control what's kind of a capitalist society, it's kind of capitalist, right?
It's not communist in a traditional sense where they've taken away all the incentive.
They've allowed people like Jack Ma to amass billions of dollars.