When Mamdani Said This I SCREAMED OUT LOUD...And You Should As Well
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Hey, everybody, Jason Burmes here, and Happy New Year.
Now, as many of you know, I am from New York.
It is still near and dear to my heart as I spent the majority of my life in that state.
And New York City in particular has always, to me, you know, first of all, it's at the global cultural zeitgeist, make no mistake about it.
Okay, it's one of the most special places on the planet earth.
And although I'm not a city guy, I not only respect it, but I've had some of the greatest times of my life down in New York City, Madison Square Garden in particular.
Okay.
And I also recognize I would never want to live there.
And there are so many things that go along with that.
And just New York State in general being very beholden to New York City politics and that importance.
And really the establishment hold on that area that then spreads out to surrounding areas in more ways than one.
Right.
And that's why when I've talked about Mamdani, I haven't done that pinko, commie, socialist.
I don't talk like that.
I've always said, you know, especially right now, if you're being put into place in New York in particular, you are very, very not only sympathetic, but proactive to globalism.
Collectivism And Globalism Push00:04:02
All right.
And with globalism comes a term called collectivism.
Now, once again, if you are new to this broadcast and you've only seen my Epstein stuff, I have done so much work surrounding globalism, collectivism, the unification of agendas through think tanks and the quote-unquote new world order and what it really means, right?
Because at the end of the day, those working towards that type of a goal would very much like to see one government, one rule, one party, much in the model of China, right?
But also in things like the EU, they want the illusion, that you have a choice.
Just kind of like even here today, that illusion that there's a big difference between the Republicans and the Democrats.
There's not.
Okay.
So I want to make that extremely clear out of the gates.
There are concerns about this guy being a Muslim.
Quite frankly, again, doesn't bother me one bit, but I understand how that issue is then used to push a wedge.
All right.
And I also do understand, again, because it's UN documentation of this attempt at mass migration to culturally penetrate a large culture like the United States with many subcultures.
Now, we've had that in the past, right?
But the vast majority of it in our country was very much, at least in large swaths, we've always had legal immigration.
Obviously, you could get to the point where, you know, immigration in Mexico, it was kind of laughable in the last 20 plus years.
But when you look at what happened post-World War I, World War II, especially in New York City, to this day, you look at something like quote-unquote Chinatown, right?
You have these subcultures that, yes, absorbed American culture, but very much stuck to their own, right?
You could say the same with Italian Americans in many ways, although that's dissolved.
Certainly, Jewish, especially religious Jewish Americans.
But then again, you have those people secular as well.
But now you're doing it in a manner when that happened, all right, those cultures kind of sub, you know, were subsidized by each other, not by collectivism forced on you by a government or an authoritarian entity, but, and many of these cultures still do it, working together voluntarily,
kind of a volunteerism amongst that, to push each other up because there were not things of a social program nature now where you just get checks and your rent paid.
That's the big difference now.
And of course, because you have American taxpayers seeing that, you also create that wedge and divide.
Now, Momdani gave his inauguration speech.
And the reason that I'm really hitting on this today, and I was going to go over, I was going to go over it anyway, but it's not a clickbait title.
Why Rugged Individualism Fell Short00:15:24
I watched this three-minute clip, and it's a little bit more than three minutes.
And towards the end, like there were certain things that we're going to break down.
We're going to stop the clip and begin the clip.
But when he said the words, rugged individualism in a negative fashion, and then talked about the quote-unquote warm embrace of collectivism, brothers and sisters, I did scream out loud, whoa!
Sorry for the spoiler alert.
I went, whoa.
And why is that the case?
Well, in Invisible Empire, A New World Order Defined, one of my main interviews, and please watch it for free.
Like some of this is going to be kind of like a history lesson.
If you guys have watched my documentary films, if you haven't, first of all, must watch.
I'm not, it's not a fever dream that there is a move by a predator class to consolidate power.
All right.
That's not a fever dream.
That's a real thing.
Okay.
And G. Edward Griffin, who is not only a pioneer in true independent media from doing his own documentary films along with books.
I mean, The Creature from Jekyll Island is one of those books that just has taken on a life of its own.
Talk about a real historian.
My man G. Edward is in that for a reason, kills it in that.
Talks about collectivism versus rugged individualism.
And I have for a very, very long time.
Now, six plus months ago, again, for the newbies out there, maybe you guys missed it.
It's got under 3,000 views here on YouTube.
Okay.
I interviewed G. Edward again.
The guy is still with us.
I mean, 93, 94 years old, still rocking and rolling, still with it in the head, like you wouldn't believe.
I mean, and again, for a guy in his 90s, still, I mean, pretty physically fit.
God bless him.
God love him.
And one of the big features of this interview, our 45 minutes, we're going to play, I don't know, five, 10 minutes of it, maybe.
We talk heavily about what collectivism actually is.
This is a guy who got the Yuri Besminoff interview that just everybody plays.
Okay.
So we're going to get to this speech by Mamdani.
We're going to break it down.
But when he says what he says, I mean, I did.
My eyes got wide.
I was sitting at this very desk.
I got like four monitors.
I was looking at something else.
I was actually, I mean, I was putting together the thumbnail and I went, whoa.
And you should too.
Because that's the big reveal, okay, of this.
Look, you look how this guy was put into power.
And he's not dumb, by the way.
He's very well spoken.
I understand his appeal.
First of all, just so there was no chance, no chance of the Republicans winning.
Because again, a lot of it's WWE song and dance, but a lot of it's pragmatics.
First, they got Curtis Sleewa.
God love him.
Not really a politician in the sense that he could win for mayor, especially if the party that backed him isn't even really backing him.
So then you had Andrew Capo Cuomo come in as kind of the establishment guy, but an independent.
You knew he was going to take away more than enough votes, even if it was close.
And remember, Capo Cuomo, huge globalist, stepped down for a bigger globalist, okay, stepped down during the COVID-19 44 nursing home scandal that should be a scandal today.
No one's going to jail, guys.
This is my big, I mean, these are my black pill moments.
Show me the money.
Show me the criminal prosecutions for what happened, not seeing them.
Okay, very annoying to me.
So you got Capo Cuomo leaving for grab ass.
Grab ass allegations.
Okay.
And then he's going to get all his money back.
He's sued.
Capo Cuomo has got some nice lawyer action, if you know what I'm saying.
He's got some nice billionaire donors.
See, Capo Cuomo, later on, when Mamdani talks about the quote-unquote 1%, we get really into it.
At the end of the day, even though he's got power and he helped run New York State as governor, right?
And his dad, he comes generationally from that.
He's like low-level scale predator class.
Low-level scale.
He still has to bend the knee for quite a few.
Just want to point that out there.
So we're going to play the Mamdani stuff.
We're going to break it down.
Let's thumbs it up.
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If you are new to the channel, also ring that bell.
Please, please watch the documentary films for free.
I hope especially if you're watching this episode and you watch what he says and then you watch my discussion with G. Edward Griffin, if you haven't seen Invisible Empire, it sparks your interest.
I'm pushing it big today, especially if you haven't seen it.
Folks, cannot do it without you.
It's the new year.
I want to thank everybody who helped get me through 2025.
This is truly independent media and there are no paychecks right now.
We're riding the Burmese Brigade all the way $5, $10, $15.
It absolutely means the world to me.
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I go down the list, people that have made significant, Dina Ray, significant donations over the past year.
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Phil, okay?
Thank you.
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Go check them out.
And then, of course, the River City Reader, RCReader.com.
We did a great interview with Todd McGreevy just recently.
So please go check that out as well.
So, I want to talk about the media.
Okay, faith, socialism, millennials, takeaways on Mom Danny's New York City inauguration.
This is USA Today, right?
Look, this guy plays in to so much of the right and left rhetoric.
But at the same time, I have not seen a Republican resistance to New York politics that have allowed, for instance, congestion pricing of movie.
Now they're tolling you to go to certain parts of the city.
That is completely unconstitutional.
That is not under the guise of a tunnel or a bridge or a throughway, right?
Now you're just, if you want to go to a place in the United States with your car, your car, it's not a meritocracy anymore, especially even if you live there, you're getting told.
We've allowed that.
I mean, and so much more.
So much more.
Trying to take away informed consent on every type of hate and lie shot you can imagine.
New York is a cesspit.
High taxes, the whole nine.
And you could tell because of how they acted during COVID-19.
That's what really scares me about this guy because he seems gentle but firm for this administration.
Progressive, right?
He's real progressive.
Doesn't even look like the guy's using any hair dye.
Let's take a look at it.
I mean, that looks fresh.
I don't know.
I don't even know how old Mamdani is.
I'm probably older than him at 46.
But even 10 years ago, I probably had more grace than this guy.
This is, I mean, that's a much fuller beard and mustache than I, I mean, we got to cut it off here.
It gets patchy, right?
Look, I mean, you can tell over here, little patches.
This guy, no, no, no.
That's a real man right here.
Mamdani.
So some of the other headlines I just wanted to hit.
Zone Ron Momdani doubles down in an unapologetically progressive inauguration.
So let's play it.
I'm going to have to interrupt several times in this one.
I know that for sure.
But that big whoa moment, we're going to explain it to you with G. Edward Griffin from a past episode for sure.
Because, I mean, that's really the only way to do it.
To do it to it.
Okay.
So let's do it with Mamdani right now.
In so doing, we will provide our own answer to that age-old question.
Who does New York belong to?
Well, my friends, we can look to Madiba and the South African Freedom Charter.
New York belongs to all who live in it.
So let's just stop for a second.
Let's just stop for a second.
Obviously, trying to be divisive with telling people to look to a South African charter.
I mean, I'm going to be real honest with you.
Is there one person even watching the program that knows even generally what the South African Charter says?
Maybe it's the best thing since breakfast.
I don't know because that's not part of my culture.
And it certainly hasn't been explained to me why it would be the best thing since breakfast.
I'm a big meritocracy guy.
All right?
But we feed into a lot of bullshiz when we say, who owns New York?
Well, I mean, does, I mean, we're in the era of you will own nothing and you will be happy.
And most people renting and even those that actually do have a home or a condo or something in New York, 99.9, I mean, literally 99.9% of them are still on a mortgage.
And then it's probably not even, it's probably less than 1 in 100 still on a mortgage.
I bet you about 5 to 10% actually outright own their homes.
And that's not, you know, I'm not talking about the commercial businesses.
I'm just talking that.
But then we'll do it right now.
What do you think the property taxes are to own a home?
Like average property tax, just to own a home in New York City.
Actually, in Long Island.
Let's do that one.
Because, again, a lot of that is part of it.
We could do Queens and all that other stuff.
But let's just type into Google.
These are property taxes on the homes that you own.
And by the way, some of these actually might be low, especially if you've got like a really nice home, depending on what they assess it at.
So just so everybody understands, to own your own home there, you're still paying, and this is what it's paid off.
Who owns New York City?
You could pay up to $14,000 in Nassau, $10,000 in Suffolk.
And honestly, some of those might be low.
That's just property taxes.
Who owns New York City?
Okay.
Okay, Mamdani.
Let's keep going here.
Together, we will tell a new story of our city.
This will not be a tale of one city governed only by the 1%.
Let's stop it again.
The 1%.
I'm so sick of it.
I hated it with Occupy Wall Street.
I'm going to put it into perspective for everybody out there.
Okay.
If you were in grade school, like I was, and even in like a medium-sized to big school, there might have been 40, 50 kids in a class, right?
Maybe 40, 50.
That's a lot.
But there'd be like two separate classes going on for each one, right?
Like two different groups.
So, you know, some people had much bigger schools than that.
But like, I'm talking grade school.
That's about 100 people.
Okay.
Now, one of those kids, dad, he owns a car dealership.
He's a multi-millionaire.
It's a big car dealership, multiple lots, employs another hundred people, blah, blah, blah.
Is he running the world?
It isn't the 1%.
It's like the.001%.
You're talking about one person in like 10 to 100,000, depending, that are the true oppressors.
Okay?
Again, it's out.
I mean, when you're talking about going after the guy who's got a yacht and multiple homes, he's not the person you really need to be worried about, right?
Even rock star money, Hollyweird money, especially that that's inconsequential.
In fact, that's why the predator class, who has much more money in power than them, constantly utilize that Hollywood money, that actor money, and those sports money and all that other money, the entertainment money, to try to project their agendas and use influence.
Because that's a pittance.
The one person.
Oh, you're goodness.
He's going to save us from the 1%.
Nor will it be a tale of two cities, the rich versus the poor.
New Yorkers Woven Together00:15:47
It will be a tale of eight and a half million cities, each of them a New Yorker with hopes and fears, each a universe, each of them woven together.
Now, right there, right there, there's some hints of what comes, each of them woven together.
Very collectivist mindset.
The authors of this story will speak Pashto and Mandarin, Yiddish and Creole.
They will pray in mosques, at Shul, at church, at Gurudwaras and Mundirs and temples.
And many will not pray at all.
They will be Russian Jewish immigrants in Brighton Beach, Italians in Rossville, and Irish families in Woodhaven, many of whom came here with nothing but a dream of a better life, a dream which has withered away.
They will be young people in cramped marble hill apartments where the walls shake when the subway passes.
Let me just stop it right there.
It's not just young people, it's older people, it's middle-aged people.
I mean, living four, five, six to a small, cramped apartment with a small living space that they tried to get people to think was hip or cool and shows like friends, right?
Yeah, yeah, have roommates till you're 30.
Hey, just have a couple roommates.
In New York City, it's out of control.
I mean, you could be paying $2,500 a month to be sharing, you know, 500 square feet with four other people.
They will be black homeowners in St. Albans whose homes represent a physical testament to triumph over decades of lesser paid labor and redlining.
So again, the identity politics, he just throws it right in there.
Just can't wait to do that.
They will be Palestinian New Yorkers in Bay Ridge who will no longer have to contend with a politics that speaks of universalism and then makes them the exception.
So again, I mean, he uses the term universalism.
Obviously, the Palestinian issue is, you know, one that just really gets the conservative, at least the hardline Israel-first conservatives going, right?
Especially the ones that are, and the same with the Muslim thing.
You know, those are kind of one and the same.
When you talk about like the real Christian Zionists, you know, and I mean, that's got those people frothing at the mouth.
But he's not a stupid guy, and he is pointing out a real hypocrisy on how Palestinians are treated.
And once again, I can't argue with quote-unquote real refugees that come to this country, although I don't know why you would want to come to this country after it's our military-industrial complex that aided and abetted all of it.
And, you know, he doesn't even go far enough to point out that reality because he wants to play into that, again, the divisiveness of all of it and the narratives.
And that's what's really scary about this guy.
He's going to be great at playing into narratives.
Few of these eight and a half million will fit into neat and easy boxes.
Some will be voters from Hillside Avenue or Fordham Road who supported President Trump a year before they voted for me.
Tired of being failed by their party's establishment, the majority will not use the language that we often expect from those who wield influence.
I welcome the change.
For too long, those fluent in the good grammar of civility have deployed decorum to mask agendas of cruelty.
First of all, that's not untrue.
Okay, that's not untrue.
But civil discussion is a must in all aspects.
Full stop.
The bottom line is that governments outwardly act like cartel and gangster operations.
They use force very unjustly in many cases, right?
And they mask it in not only propaganda, but semantics.
You know, I guess that's why some of these people are very happy that we went back to the Department of War instead of the Department of Defense.
Right?
Pretty much semantics.
You know, Carlin had a great bit on that, talking about shell-shocked into PTSD.
Shell shocked.
You know, words do matter.
And this guy, I mean, for the agenda, he's a good wordsmith for them.
Many of these people have been betrayed by the established order.
But in our administration, their needs will be met.
Their hopes and dreams and interests will be reflected transparently in government.
They will shape our future.
First of all, let me just stop here.
It would not matter who is the mayor of New York City.
I go down the line from Koch to Dinkins to Giuliani, right?
To Blasio.
I mean, go down the line.
And if you think that New York City or New York state politics are going to be transparent, that's hilarious.
Some of the most like outwardly, outwardly corrupt.
You had people in the Cuomo administration get convicted of their crimes and then somehow get their trials thrown out, get new trials, and then get off.
And those were just the people that actually got charged.
Transparent government, you know, my Arnis.
That is like imagination land.
And if for too long these communities have existed as distinct from one another, we will draw this city closer together.
We will replace the frigidity of rugged individualism with the warmth of collectivism.
Whoa!
Whoa!
I am like, I am a rugged individualist.
The frigidity and the warmth of collectivism.
Whoa.
That's the scariest thing he said right there.
We're going to wrap it up with these 20 seconds and then we're going to play my man, G. Edward Griffin, six months ago explaining the dangers of collectivism.
If our campaign demonstrated that the people of New York yearn for solidarity, then let this government foster it.
Because no matter what you eat, how you pray, or where you come from, the words that most define us are the two we all share.
New Yorkers.
New Yorkers.
So, again, I ain't, I think that's a big deal.
Okay.
I really, really think that's a big deal, the way he said that.
Just want to say that.
So, right now, by the way, get the thumbs up, subscribe, and share.
We're going to explain it.
Only it's not going to be me.
It's kind of going to be me.
But it is going to be myself and G. Edward Griffin.
And you can check this out.
G. Edward Griffin responds.
In fact, I'm going to do the magic right here for everybody.
We're going to copy that URL.
We're going to put it in the live chat.
By the way, give a comment down below.
Here's my man explaining the dangers of collectivism.
There's a lot of think tanks out there right now, and we do seem to be being pushed into more and more quote-unquote globalism slash collectivism.
You're one of the few people that really have identified that term collectivism as the main driving point for this cabal, if you will.
Could you kind of speak to that?
Because we hear about socialism and communism, et cetera, all the time.
And really, those are kind of, I would say, reflections of collectivism.
They don't really care how they get to that collectivist goal.
They'll call it whatever.
But those are the modus operandi of the moment or society right now.
Yeah, that's the big elephant in the room that nobody sees.
I didn't see it until relatively late in my career of learning about all these things.
You know, I was, I became active in the 1960s.
And at that time, everybody was worried about the rise of communism.
Well, rightly so, by the way.
I mean, after all, here's a new ideology.
We thought it was a new ideology.
It wasn't, but we thought it was.
And they had taken over Russia.
They'd taken over China.
They were taking over countries in Latin America, South America.
They'd taken over Cuba at our door.
We had communist parades in New York on our streets.
Why, we better take communism seriously.
And we knew that they were murdering millions of people that didn't agree with them wherever they came to power.
So we were justified to be concerned about communism.
And I was one of those.
Well, I didn't understand what communism was.
I read a little bit about it.
So I was an anti-communist.
And so I fell into the trap in those days of believing that anybody that said that they also were an anti-communist, well, they had to be on my side.
They were the good guys, right?
We were the good guys.
They were the bad guys.
And that, by the way, that simplicity is still at work today.
Look at politics today, between Republicans and Democrats or any division which you want to look at using those old-fashioned words.
It's just the good guys versus the bad guys, you know?
That's about it.
That's about as deep as it goes.
We'll get the good guys in office and everything will be fine.
Well, anyway, to make a very long story somewhat shorter, I have to explain this, that in those days I took an interest in what communism was.
And I started to hang out.
First of all, I had a pretty good job with a large corporation in Los Angeles, headquartered down there.
And I was the corporate guy, right?
And I was rising up the ladder, climbing the ladder.
I thought I was going to be, if not the president of this company someday, at least I'd be a vice president.
I'd probably live in a nice penthouse in New York and have a chauffeur and, you know, all the good things, the material things of life.
I was a very materialistic person at that time.
And so that was my view of being the opposite of a communist.
I had a lot of money.
I thought that the communists wanted to take all my money.
So I was an anti-communist.
And so I decided to find out more about what attracted communists because I knew that it didn't turn out that way where they came to power.
So I was curious.
I started to hang out at the communist bookstore down in Los Angeles on Larchmont Street, I think it was.
It was called the People's Bookshop.
I went down there.
I'm dressed as a corporate guy, and I got the narrow tie, the shiny suit, the sideburns, you know, and all that.
And they're looking at me very strange.
What's this guy doing here?
And I was wondering what I was doing there myself.
But I struck up some friendship with these guys.
They were nice enough people.
They were very dedicated.
And, you know, they were dedicated to communists, socialists.
And they wanted to prove why they were on the right side of history with all these books down there in the bookstore.
So they recommended this book, that book, and these two books over there.
And I started buying these books.
And I read them.
I actually read them, which I say that with a smile on my face because it turned out I discovered very soon that most of these guys down there that were selling the books had not read them.
They were selling them, but they hadn't read them.
They might have read Karl Marx's Communist Manifesto, but very few of them had read Das Kapital, which he wrote too.
And they hadn't read the works of any of the other communists.
And they certainly hadn't read the works of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin.
And there was a big section in the store.
I think it was four or five volumes, thick books of the collected works of Vladimir Lenin.
I bought those and I read them.
And that's where I really learned what communism was.
Now, I go into that because at this time, I was making notes as to what these principles were that the communists believed in.
And then I got curious, well, what about the opposite?
What's the opposite of communism?
Well, we knew the most vocal and powerful opposite of communism was fascism, right?
Or Nazism.
I mean, the communists and the Nazis fought in World War II.
And they tried to destroy each other.
They were fighting against each other.
So surely they were opposites.
So I said, well, I wonder what Adolf Hitler has to say about these things.
So the Nazis didn't have any bookstore in Los Angeles.
So I had to go find one and buy one through the library, found out in the library, and then I bought one somehow.
And I read Mein Kampf, and then I read the works of Mussolini, and then I was starting to take these notes like I did when I was reading the works of Marx and Engels and Lenin.
And all of a sudden it dawned, I'm writing the same points.
What?
This is what they believe.
And the deeper I got into the so-called right-wing literature, I say so-called, I'll come back to that in a moment, I realized that these guys believed exactly the same thing.
If you just stripped away some of the colorful language, and some of the things are relatively minor, one of the principles of all of these is that they have to have a hated enemy class of some kind.
You have to hate somebody.
So you think with passion rather than reason, I guess suppose.
But they all have a hated enemy that you can blame as the cause and the reason you have all your problems in your life.
Collectivists vs. Individualists00:06:26
And well, the communists were, they hated the wealthy class, the capitalists versus the communists.
They were the wealthy versus the working class and so forth.
And the Nazis hated the Jews because they were, in general, the more, many of them were more profitable and were making a lot of money off of the working class.
But they only had to have somebody to hate, you know.
But it was a hatred symbol.
The symbol or the ideal or the principle is to hate somebody.
Well, they both have, all of these regimes have someone to hate.
It's a conqueror or it's a foreigner or it's another religion or it's a different race or something.
It's a colonial imperialist.
You've got to have a hate symbol.
All right.
So I started to realize that, well, wait a minute, this is all the same thing.
And it is exactly the same thing.
And then I realized that fascism wasn't the opposite of communism at all.
It was the same thing as communism.
How can this be?
And then I started to dig deeper and I discovered it's because there is a name for this collection of principles that both sides believe in.
And it had been used quite extensively in the old books, like at that time over 100 years old.
Now it's almost 150 years, 160 years old before that.
And those words are individualism versus collectivism.
It wasn't right versus left.
It wasn't communist versus fascist.
It wasn't Republican versus Democrat.
It wasn't right-wing versus left-wing.
All of it was called collectivism versus individualism.
And then I discovered that the powers that be went out of their way starting after World War I to eliminate those words from the vocabulary.
They were frowned upon.
And authors who wanted to be published by publishing houses which were financed by big, powerful banks who all had an interest in how the nation worked and what principles they believed in, because it turned out that most of those people and those corporations were collectivists.
They weren't communists.
They weren't fascists.
But they were the same thing without a name.
They were collectivists.
Now you have no name to describe them, so they can get, you don't even recognize them.
I just made a little side trip and remember when I was learning about the most famous conspiracy group of all, which was the Cecil Rhodes Group that was formed by Cecil Rhodes.
While he was alive, of course, but I'd forgotten the years that he was the most powerful and wealthy man in South Africa and had gained a monopoly in all their mineral mines and a lot of natural assets.
And when he died, he left all of his money not to his family, but to a cabal.
He left it to a secret society.
And in his own private papers, which I was able to get access to, he said, we will not have a name for our organization, because if they have no name for us, it'll be difficult for them to describe us.
Now, if this isn't a conspiracy mentality, I wonder what it is.
So here's a group that was conceived by Cecil Rhodes.
And he said he wanted his group to take over the world without the world knowing it was being taken over, which means that they had to take it over from the inside.
They couldn't attack it from the outside, nation against nation, but they had to take it from the inside by person against person, ideal against ideal, mentality, psychology, and so forth.
And they were one of the most powerful men in the world.
And they had no name for that very reason.
And so I found out that everything they believed in was called collectivism.
And they used that.
Wait, I discovered then, finally, I had been duped.
I was thinking I was a right-winger.
Why?
Because I wanted to be the opposite of communism.
All right, communists.
Communists were left-wing, right?
So I, as a dummy, young guy, well, I'm on the other side, so I'm a right-winger.
I actually called myself a right-winger with some pride, you know?
And then I discovered that I was supporting political leaders in America who called themselves right-wingers and anti-communists, but they were the beginning of the deep state.
They were collectivists to the core.
That was a profound moment in my life, and I'm trying to share it with you and your viewers because everyone needs to take that trip to realize that all of these names that they throw at us are decoys to keep us from understanding the hardcore that's beneath it all, which is a conflict, an eternal conflict between the principles of individualism and collectivism.
And once you get that understanding, all this business of divide and conquer and group identity, group politics, and identity politics and so forth fades away because the battle is not between groups, but between ideas.
My man, G. Edward Griffin, is the man.
Is the man.
Now, that's, again, it's an hour and 45-minute interview.
I think he nailed it on every level right there, explaining, and that's what people don't get, right?
Like, when I look at the upper echelons, especially of our government here in the United States, I have to call it techno-fascistic.
It is a merging of the government and business.
And right now, technology is at its core, which they're actually withholding from the general populace.
So I'm going to say it again.
Invisible Empire, a new world order defined, is free of charge.
I want you to check that out.
G. Edward Griffin Interview00:01:47
It is in the documentary's playlist down below.
But if you liked what you saw there, I'm going to just show everybody right here.
You just type in G. Edward Griffin responds.
Maybe you have to type in Jason Burmes, maybe InfoWarrior.
Who knows?
I'm going to copy and paste it in the live stream one more time.
I think that this is one of the best interviews I've ever done.
And I sat down with G. Edward Griffin for like four or five hours for the interview that we did for Invisible Empire, a New World Order Defined.
I've spoken at events with G. Edward Griffin, been on panels with him.
I've got nothing but respect for the guy.
Folks, that is going to wrap this one up.
If you liked what you saw, if you like truly independent media, all right, that calls balls and strikes, that doesn't worship individuals, that doesn't try to make excuses, that says, no, that's bad, that's good, and then also has the discernment to maybe change their mind if they see something else, please consider donating to the broadcast.
$5, $10, $15.
It means the world to me.
We've got to buy me a coffee.
And then we also have the PayPal down below/slash Jason Burmese over on X, but also on Cash App.
And Venmo, as always, everybody, remember, it is not about left or right.
That's not what this whole entire show is about, right?
It's about right and wrong.
And unfortunately, the predator class, the powers that shouldn't be, are trying to drive us into a mad techno, not even Kratic, a technopoly in which transhumanism is pushed and humanity is pushed out.