Good evening, and boy do we have a special episode today.
As you're likely already aware, there's an organization in this country called True The Vote, which has been, since the year 2020, investigating the ballot harvesting operations, the illegal ballot harvesting operations, which took place across at least six different states during the presidential election.
And using their methodology of tracing cell phone ping data surrounding drop boxes, reviewing millions of minutes of surveillance footage, and then actually interviewing the ballot harvesters themselves, They were able to determine that approximately 4.8 million ballots were likely submitted through the illegal use of ballot drop boxes through ballot harvesters.
That's their official estimate after a two-year-long investigation, and they have in hand all of the evidence to back up their claims.
And today, we had the unique opportunity to speak with the founder of True the Vote, Ms.
Katherine Engelbreit.
All right, Kathryn, thank you so much for joining us.
A lot of our viewers are big fans of True the Votes work.
I've been following it closely.
In fact, two of last week's episodes were devoted to your work in Wisconsin and Georgia.
Let's start with your work post-2020 in Wisconsin.
So recently you had a hearing at the Wisconsin State Legislature.
Can you tell us what you presented in that hearing with your report?
Absolutely.
We studied Milwaukee County specifically and then tangentially Green Bay or Brown County and Racine counties.
And what we were looking at was what we believe is the proof of exploitation of ballot drop boxes, the privately funded CTCL money, Mark Zuckerberg money ballot drop boxes.
And what we presented in the hearing was laying out the research of those specific jurisdictions in which we geo-fenced around the privately funded drop boxes and then We monitored how many individual times the same device went to that Dropbox and then from that formed patterns of life and presented that to the committee by way of hopefully helping them achieve some solid legislation that
prevents those Dropboxes from being used in the future.
So, I want to back up a little bit.
When I first read the methodology that you used, I was blown away.
I thought that was such a brilliant idea.
Where did you get that idea to use the cell phone ping data from?
Well, we were aware that such data exists, and it's used routinely in law enforcement.
It's used increasingly in political campaigns, and we felt like, given the fog around everything that was happening in the election, it was a path that necessarily left a trace, left a track.
We went for it.
Actually, another question I had is, how long did it take you to map out that data?
Because from your report, I think you wrote that you had about 10 trillion individual pings of data.
So how long did it actually take you, even within that one Milwaukee area, to trace people's movements?
How long?
It takes months and months, first to evaluate, I mean, because it's a series of sifts, right?
So you have to figure out what the population pool looks like, how many people or devices, I should say, went to the Dropbox to begin with, and then you begin to work backwards from that, because you don't want to catch people in the evaluation that went, you know, a number that we would conceivably consider to be normal.
So it took months, and What you're left with, though, at the end of it is something that is akin to DNA. It is so exacting and shines a big light on what's happening inside of our election.
And so within the Milwaukee area, what did you actually find once you had that data in hand?
From memory, we found 202, I believe, individuals who went to Dropboxes more than, I believe, 10 times.
And you have to forgive me, because since we presented in Wisconsin, we've gone on to present in Pennsylvania and then in Arizona, so the numbers kind of run together.
But, you know, when you think about the data sifts that we went through, the The groups that we ended up identifying, and we called them mules because frankly we began to use sort of cartel terminology, stash houses and drop points and mules.
And the mules, their pattern of life was so distinct from anybody else in the population.
They followed routes that they did not follow when early election or early voting was not in play.
They went at night.
They had all the earmarks, all the characteristics of something that was aberrant.
Hundreds of people going thousands of times.
Unfortunately, Wisconsin, even though they told The people of the state, that they had eyes on the drop boxes and that they were using surveillance video.
That was apparently not true.
We certainly couldn't get it if it was.
So we have no way of threading it back.
But what we have been able to find in other states where the video was available is, in fact, threading that data, that geospatial data together with the video data, Revealed needles in haystacks never before seen of people ballot trafficking.
Now, Katherine, my next question, and probably what everyone else who's watching this interview is wondering as well, is when exactly did...
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Catherine, when you went to the different election officials in the state of Wisconsin and you asked for the surveillance data for the drop boxes, what did they say to you?
Because from my understanding, they actually have to have that data on file by law.
So what did they come back to you with?
Well, in Wisconsin, they came back to us saying that no records exist.
What we saw, and that leads to question, you know, does that mean they never existed?
Does it mean that they've been erased?
You know, but the scope of our research was so broad that we, in certain areas, didn't drill down as deeply as we might have liked to.
And so that's sort of where we left that question.
What I can tell you about just sort of the broad brushstroke is that The drop boxes were so poorly regulated, the processes for surveillance or for security were so poorly drawn that states were quick to discard that video.
And even though, to your point, federal law requires that you're supposed to hold on to all election artifacts for 22 months, that simply didn't happen.
I mean, I think the one word that characterizes the 2020 election was lawless.
It was just a free-for-all and something that we really have to get control of because it's out of hand.
So in your report, I remember that you mentioned in several states, but let's stick to Wisconsin, that those ballot mules made at least eight, I believe you said eight trips each to a certain NGO. Let me ask you this, what NGO was it?
Can you reveal that fact?
I think in Wisconsin there were...
Six NGOs, different NGOs.
We are not disclosing the names.
And here's why.
Because the minute that we do that, it becomes fodder for all manner of lawsuits.
And the goal here is to turn this information over to law enforcement or to the appropriate authorities.
And we're giving those, you know, in the case of Georgia, where we have active investigations going, they have access to everything.
They have all the names.
They have all the information that we have.
And then they can choose what to do with it.
Our goal is to present this information and to encourage those to have the authority to do something about it, to actually do something.
But I will say this, the names are names you would expect.
Let me ask you this, maybe without revealing those names, is it the same NGOs throughout the different states, or is it different NGOs?
Great question.
We see both.
We see individually operating NGOs, so just state specific, but then there is one in particular that is interstate, it's actually international for that matter, but has satellite outposts all over and they are consistently caught up in this grift.
Wow.
So let's move on over to Georgia, which you mentioned has gotten, I believe, the furthest along in the different states that you're working.
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