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March 11, 2025 - Dinesh D'Souza
47:54
ELON UNDER FIRE Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep1038
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Thank you.
Thank you.
Coming up, Elon Musk is under attack on so many fronts, attacks on Tesla, the recent cyber attack on the X platform.
I'll describe what's going on and why.
I want to explore whether Trump is willing to risk a recession to wring the Biden rot out of the economy.
And Jack Posobiec, editor at Human Events, is going to join me.
We're going to talk about Elon, Trump, and other issues of the day.
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Some good news from Tulsi Gabbard.
She has revoked the security clearances and barred access to classified information for Anthony Blinken, Jake Sullivan, Lisa Monaco, Mark Zaid, Norman Eisen, Letitia James, Alvin Bragg, Andrew Weissman.
And the 51 signers of the Hunter Biden disinformation letter.
Even Joe Biden no longer gets what's called the President's Daily Brief.
So this is a case where Trump is striking out.
By striking out here, I don't mean striking out as in baseball, but striking out as in holding people accountable.
And it is good to see that the Trump team is on it because...
One of the great dangers of having a weak cabinet team or people you've appointed because they knew so-and-so or the governor of the state called and said, you've got to appoint this guy, is that those guys have their own agenda and they don't do what the president says.
But I think in this case, we're seeing a cabinet that is working in close coordination with the White House.
Now, I want to focus today on the attacks on Elon Musk.
In some ways, I experienced this in a small degree yesterday.
I was supposed to do spaces with Josie, and normally we have tons of people on the spaces, and the whole thing is humming, but yesterday it was difficult to get on, and there were complaints that the sound was kind of scratchy, and people were being kicked off.
So the thing was, the platform was wobbly.
And it was wobbly because the left is out to get Elon Musk.
And it's not just the left.
There are people in Europe that are out to get Elon Musk.
There are evidently people in Ukraine, including some hacking groups, that are out to get Elon Musk.
And the first question to ask is, why?
What is it about Elon Musk that is driving them nuts?
Here's Elon Musk and Doge and their expose of a federal agency called the Inter-American Foundation.
Now look at the kind of stuff that the Inter-American Foundation has been using your...
Because you've got to remember, this is really what Democrats do.
Some people say that they do it because they're ideologically nuts.
Some people say they do it because they are rerouting the money back to themselves.
But either way, this is what these grants are allocated for.
$903,000 for alpaca farming in Peru.
$364,000 to fight social discrimination in Bolivia.
$800,000 for vegetable gardens in El Salvador.
$323,000 for cultural understanding of Venezuelan migrants in Brazil.
$700,000 to improve marketability of mushrooms and peas in Guatemala.
Money for beekeeping in Brazil.
Salt production in Ecuador.
I mean, look at this kind of madness.
And what Doge does is it, in a very clinical way, just documents it.
Pushes it out there.
And then, of course, Elon Musk has the platform.
So the people who benefit from this kind of racket.
And by the way, it's not all about foreign aid.
It is rightly pointed out that foreign aid is a relatively small part of the budget.
We are also talking about massive waste in entitlements, massive waste in defense.
Here's another vivid example.
I'm quoting now Elon Musk.
Senator Susan Collins, he says, was telling me about how she gave the Navy $12 billion for more submarines.
Then she noticed there were no more submarines.
So she held a hearing to ask the Navy, like, where'd the $12 billion go?
And the Navy was like, we don't really know.
And Elon Musk goes, that's it.
That was it.
That was the extent of the inquiry.
No one was held accountable.
The money was never tracked.
And Elon Musk concludes it's only in the federal government that you can get away with this sort of thing.
But the people who have been getting away with this sort of thing have been doing it for a long time.
They have a lot to lose.
There is a lavishly funded political industry at work here.
And these Democrats are, and some Republicans too, very cunning political entrepreneurs.
And Elon Musk not only exposes it, but then he uses the X platform, which has now become the electric, radioactive, the biggest, most influential platform really on the face of the earth.
It's not as big as Facebook or YouTube.
But, you know, YouTube is where you go to learn to play the guitar, and Facebook is a place where you find long-lost college friends.
There's no one really conducting political debate on Facebook per se, or at least that's very limited.
But on X, that's what it's all about.
So, Elon Musk is making a huge difference, and that's why all these attacks.
So, first you have the cyber attack.
This is the attack of yesterday.
This took down the X platform for a little while.
The platform, though, as I say, was kind of out of a kilter for a good bit of the day.
It seems to be functioning now normally.
And Musk and his engineers, let's remember, Musk, by the way, has lots of very smart people working for him so they can track these things.
And it's almost like you've got cyber warfare going on.
And what makes it disturbing in this case is the cyber warfare may be coming from Ukraine.
Now, I don't know and I'm not suggesting it has the okay of Zelensky or the government.
This could be a kind of rogue group of...
But it's interesting that they see Trump and Musk as somehow reneging on the blank checks that the US was writing to Ukraine.
And so it could be that in some way we are on their hit list.
And by we here, I mean Elon Musk and X. The other thing that's going on are all these attacks on Tesla.
And they're evidently paid Protesters on the left.
Protesters funded by an ensemble of groups.
In fact, Elon Musk's name, some of them, Troublemakers, Disruption Project, Rise and Resist, Indivisible Project, Democratic Socialists of America.
This is the hard left.
This is the same pool that feeds BLM, that feeds Antifa.
And by the way, it's not just a group of voluntary street thugs.
These are people funded by liberal billionaires.
Hoffman, one of the big culprits here, posted and said, well, I'm not funding these protests.
Well, it turns out he does fund at least one of the so-called resistance groups.
And so he can claim, I'm not directly funding the Tesla protests.
But here I see that he's a major funder of Indivisible.
And Indivisible is evidently running ads, offering payments and reimbursements up to $200.
They also have this campaign that is called Taking the Fight to Elon.
They call him a muskrat and an authoritarian.
And they put out memes with Teslas in flames.
And apparently there are Tesla drivers around the country now that have to be a little cautious about where they park their car.
Trump is on to this.
And in fact, he posted this morning basically saying that Elon Musk is putting it all on the line.
And he, Trump, is going to buy a Tesla.
In any event, I'm going to buy a brand new Tesla tomorrow morning as a show of confidence and support for Elon Musk, a truly great American.
I think Trump realizes here the importance.
The importance of Elon Musk to this whole enterprise.
He's uniquely gifted in being able to do the Doge expose.
And then he has a massive platform to promulgate and disseminate and get the message out.
And this is what makes him so dangerous.
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Trump's policies are producing quite a tremor in the market, in the stock market.
We see, it seems now for several days in a row, a sharp decline in the Dow, a drop in the Nasdaq, the cryptocurrencies are all down.
What's the root cause of all this?
Well, uncertainty.
That's one thing.
Markets don't like uncertainty.
And so with Trump, he had the announcement of tariffs.
Then you had a subsequent announcement that some of the tariffs would be paused.
They would be suspended for a month.
But then you have the announcement that some of the tariffs are going into effect in early April.
And so the market is responding negatively here.
The market is basically saying that we are worried that these tariffs will plunge the economy into a recession.
Trump himself was asked on Fox News about this, whether he was concerned about a recession.
And he didn't say he was, but he didn't rule it out either.
And if you remember in his annual address, in the address to Congress, Trump had said that there's going to be some bumps along the way.
There's going to be an interregnum, a period in the middle where things have to be kind of worked out or sorted out.
Part of the anxiety about tariffs, I think, is the concerns about a trade war.
It is one thing to use tariffs as a diplomatic tool or leverage.
It's a whole other thing.
Where you say, all right, I don't like the fact that other countries have tariffs on my goods, so I'm now going to be putting 10, 25, in some cases 50% tariffs on this list of goods from Canada or Mexico or China.
Let's remember, these are our three largest trading partners.
And then those countries go, oh, okay, well, you know, we're going to slap some more tariffs on your products, and so...
Really, what's really happening is that both countries start taxing, because that's really what a tariff is.
A tariff is a tax on the importation of foreign goods.
And so the effect of it, of course, is to make those goods more expensive to import.
And in the longer run, or sometimes even in the short run, To raise the prices of those goods.
Why?
Because they now cost more to bring into the U.S. market.
Now tariffs do have the benefit of supporting the domestic market because when you make foreign goods more expensive, you make domestic goods more easier to produce.
You increase the profit motive for those goods.
You create the possibility of more jobs at home to make those things.
And Trump really is a guy who has a lot of Emphasis on self-reliance.
Like why do we need Canadian lumber?
So what if the Canadians are selling the lumber, let's say, cheaper than America can get the lumber itself?
The point is we have lumber.
We don't need their lumber.
Today itself, Trump posted something to the effect of, why are the Canadians supplying us with electricity?
What?
Does a country really need to be getting electricity from another country?
Why can't we get our own electricity?
So part of what Trump is aiming at here, I think, is to have America do more for itself.
The reason for this, by the way, is not because Trump is against international trade.
What he does seem to be against are these gargantuan trade deficits.
In other words, we sell a relatively small amount of goods abroad And other people sell a giant amount of goods over here.
And what that really means is that US dollars are leaving the country and ending up in the hands or in the pockets of foreign entities, foreign individuals, foreign corporations, and foreign governments.
And then let's remember...
Those guys will often turn around and use that money to buy up U.S. land, buy up U.S. apartment complexes.
Think about it.
You can't take a U.S. dollar necessarily and do a lot with it outside the United States.
At the end of the day, I mean, true, it's a reserve currency.
You can use it to buy Saudi oil, for example.
But what happens with a lot of these guys is that they turn right around and use that money.
So we end up having foreign ownership or increased foreign ownership.
Of American property and of American land, including farmland.
I'm not sure about these tariffs myself, but I do think that the tariffs have got to be seen in the context of the full ensemble, the full range of Trump's economic policies, which are on the balance extremely good.
Tax cuts, which are a key part of this plan.
Excellent.
And it's important for the House to move on getting these passed over to the Senate, over to Trump for signature.
Number two, privatization.
Trump is selling off government buildings.
Great idea.
Put more of them on the list.
Deregulation.
Trump mentioned in his speech, we're going to cut 10 regulations for every new one that anybody wants to add on.
Regulations are also, by the way, a tax, right?
Why?
Because they're a form of imposing additional burdens, burdens of money and burdens of time, and of course those are the same thing.
When you impose on a company, for example, a burden of time, that's the same thing as imposing a burden of money because time is money.
So the truth of it is deregulation, privatization, tax cuts, this is the sealing the border, all of these things.
Trump himself is very devoted to tariffs.
I think he thinks, and he's historically right about this, the United States had tariffs for much of its history.
It had tariffs in periods of great national prosperity, mostly through the 19th century.
So it's not as if tariffs don't have a A successful history, you could say, in the United States.
On the other hand, there is a strong free market case against tariffs that can't be ignored.
It also can't be ignored that tariffs did play a role in worsening, not starting, but worsening the Great Depression.
And so tariffs are risky.
Tariffs also carry with them a certain...
And I think this is what the market is reflecting, the danger that this is an economy that, by the way, after four years of Biden and Harris, is not exactly in great shape.
And so it's very important that we put the ship right side up.
Now, it's not important we put the ship right side up.
In a week, or in three weeks, or even in a month.
But I would argue that in a democratic society, you cannot take your eye off the next election.
So even though the country may go through some stormy waters, and Trump has basically said as much...
We want this ship to be on relatively smooth sailing come the middle of next year so we don't lose the House.
I don't think we'll lose the Senate, but the House is at risk.
We don't want to lose the House in the 2026 midterm election.
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Guys, I'm delighted to welcome back to the podcast Jack Posobiec, Senior Editor of Human Events.
He's also the author of the new book, Bulletproof, The Truth About the Assassination Attempts on Donald Trump.
You can follow Jack on X at Jack Posobiec and the website humanevents.com.
Jack, welcome.
Thanks for joining me.
The Trump tariffs are stirring people up quite a bit.
They've also stirred up the market.
There is a lot of rocky action, both in the NASDAQ and in the Dow.
And it seems that people are nervous about this.
But as you've been covering it and thinking about it, The point I think that you've made or are making is that we're missing the big picture here.
Tariffs are one part of something bigger that Trump is trying to do.
What is it that Trump is trying to do?
Well, Dinesh, it's always a pleasure to come on.
Thanks again to you and my best wishes to the family as we enter into the Easter season here, preparation for it.
But it's something that I think a lot of people are missing.
When it comes to the tariffs and when it comes to President Trump, and of course, President Trump is not known for tipping his hand when he's making moves, when he's entering into negotiations, high-stakes geopolitical, high-stakes geoeconomic, whether it be vis-a-vis Russia, China, Ukraine, now Canada, Mexico.
And so people are saying, wait, why is he focused on China?
Mexico and Canada for tariffs first.
Did they do something to us?
China, okay, sure, COVID, we can talk about that, or the treatment of the Chinese Communist Party, the actions of the Chinese Communist Party.
But Canada and Mexico, I think it caught a lot of people off guard, and especially the Canadians, you're seeing this huge reaction up there in their politics.
Trudeau has left, but now there's this new liberal economist who's gone in, this banker, who actually hasn't even lived in Canada for a long time, but he's come back in.
And here's what they're missing.
And there was actually a paper written by one of President Trump's economic advisors during his first term.
This was Stephen Maron.
And I'm just reading to get it right.
Stephen Maron, Harvard Economics PhD, served in the Treasury Department, nominated for the Council of Economic Advisors.
And this is almost a crystal ball into what President Trump is doing, because if you read this paper, you can actually see it forward.
It's called A User's Guide to Restructuring the Global Trade System.
So A User's Guide to Restructuring Global Trade.
And what happened after the end of the Second World War with the creation of the Bretton Woods system later on was this new international rules-based order, this global system of trade that was all predicated on the U.S. dollar.
The US dollar would be used around the world as the world reserve currency.
But as a corollary to that, America's Manufacturing base, America's construction base, America's industrial base, our ability to build and create and produce things would be hollowed out.
And what was also hollowed out on the back of that?
Well, all of middle America.
And so where did those manufacturing jobs go?
Well, through NAFTA, they went to Canada and Mexico.
And then later, they were also, or even prior in some cases, they were also outsourced to China.
So these became the global factories.
And through the stock market, which of course, the stock market, and people need to remember this.
This is an indicator of the business world.
This is the top 10%.
That's where those corporations are.
That's what the stock market is an indication of.
The other 90% of Americans, they're the ones who are living off of credit cards.
They're the ones with the highest credit card debt in American history right now, by the way.
And so what President Trump is doing is saying, look, we are going to end these days of free credit.
We had the massive credit injection in 2008 with Barack Obama, late, again, the global financial crisis, obviously Bush and McCain playing a huge role there as well.
Then, of course, we also had the massive credit injections in COVID. And what President Trump is saying is, look, we need a reset.
We need to reset on all of this because we've been living for too long off of the fake money that's being printed by the Fed.
We've been living for too long off of getting these cheap Chinese goods or cheap goods imported to the United States.
So what we're doing is we're going to hit reset and use tariffs as a way to actually strengthen the American people rather than strengthen.
Wall Street, rather than strengthen these global and multinational corporations, we're actually going to do something to benefit the people in the middle, the people who have been the underpinning of this entire system the whole time.
So rather than be a consumption-based economy, which is what we currently are, we are a consumption-based economy and a debt-based economy, and this is all factored into the GDP. This is why the GDP isn't always the best indicator of the health of a nation or the health of a people.
He is trying to push us back to a production-based economy.
And yes, there's going to be some pain points.
There's going to be some pressure points along the way.
And President Trump, of course, and CNN is making much hay of this.
He says, look, there's going to be pain along the way.
But it requires friction to grow.
Pressure makes diamonds.
And that's exactly what President Trump is doing now.
China, Mexico, and Canada.
He isn't necessarily going after them vindictively.
What he's doing is saying our tariff environment is completely upside down with these countries where America has the lowest real tariff price in the entire world.
And we've done so.
Why?
Because we want U.S. dollars to be going out into the world purchasing products to come in.
What he's doing now is turning that system upside down.
What you're really saying, Jack, is that there has been a structure to the world economy that the United States signed off on that has been hugely beneficial, but not to all Americans.
In fact, to put it somewhat more bluntly, it's been a system that has massively benefited the rich against the middle class and the lower middle class, and here's why.
The government prints giant amounts of money, and the result of that is it drives down the interest rate, makes it very easy for corporations to borrow money and live off of credit.
At the same time that these corporations now realize, we don't have to pay American workers high-paying jobs.
We can farm those jobs outside of America and bring in the products from abroad.
And so you see big profits going to these corporations, big profits going...
manufacturing towns are wiped out because the stuff that they used to make is now being gotten from elsewhere.
And I think what you're saying is that Trump is in some ways attempting a kind of, you may say, redistribution of his own, a redistribution back toward American jobs, American production, let's make it over here.
That's why Trump says things like, well, why do we need Canadian lumber?
Do we have a shortage of trees in the United States?
Can't we get our own lumber?
So Trump, I think you're saying, and you can tell me if I'm summarizing this the right way, is trying to take a structure that was biased against the manufacturing base of the country and the working class people of this country and saying, I'm going to give you a different deal, a different structure that will benefit you for a change.
That's exactly correct.
What President Trump is doing is delivering on the promises and really This has been the story of J.D. Vance and Hillbilly Elegy, the story of Middle America, Appalachia, a town where his grandparents were able to work in the factory and able to have good jobs and a stable community that were completely destabilized by these policies throughout the 1970s, the 1980s, and then increasingly throughout the 1990s.
Of course, other factors that played a huge role in this were immigration, the massive open borders, et cetera, et cetera, which are also all of which are conspiring to put downward pressure on the real wages of Americans and working class Americans and middle class of Americans have not seen a real wage increase in so many years.
What President Trump is doing and Scott Besson, so Treasury Secretary Scott Besson, And I was on the trip with him to Kiev, Ukraine a couple of weeks ago here in the presidential complex on this mineral deal predicated on President Zelensky, which of course has gone back and forth in a few iterations since we traveled there to Kiev.
And I think people know that Mr. Zelensky was not too happy with the deal.
And we'll see if he changes his mind.
I think they're all meeting up in Saudi Arabia today, although he may not be there.
What Besant said was...
The American dream was not purchasing cheap products from abroad.
The American dream is prosperity for all Americans so that every American could have a good living wage.
By the way, these are our talking points that used to be something that the Democrats used to talk about all the time.
They used to talk about the American worker.
They used to talk about living wages.
They used to talk about having a family where you could have a single parent.
Working in the household and have another parent who's able to stay home and take care of the children.
And this, of course, highlights another pro-family, a huge plank of the conservative platform and a huge plank of President Trump's platform has been for a long time.
Increase in family formation, increase in childhood and in birth rates.
And by the way, congratulations, because I hear your second grandchild is on the way.
In fact, I was in the White House with Danielle not too long ago.
I got to visit.
I think it's number two in May.
Doing May.
Yeah, very close, very close.
And so this is what it's all about, though.
It's all about creating the ability for everyone to be able to share in that American dream.
This is a hallmark of good government.
And it's been really the big difference, I think, between the MAGA Republican Party versus the old Republican Party that stood as saying that, well, we'll do whatever's right for Wall Street.
We'll do whatever's right for the multinational corporation.
We'll bring down their bottom line.
And who cares what happens to Main Street?
Who cares what happens to these hollowed out communities or places like Springfield, Ohio?
Who cares about any of that?
We care about New York and Los Angeles.
And as long as they're doing well, the GDP will look fine.
The stock market will look fine.
And we'll be able to keep Hollywood and Wall Street.
And for too long, our country has been predicated on that, as well as Silicon Valley.
I'll throw that in.
So you can see what President Trump is doing.
He's actually reorienting all of this because, look, the elites have been living large for a very long time.
But you know what?
The vacation is over.
It's all over.
And I think what what Doge has done to the federal government is perhaps what President Trump is about to do to the global economic system.
I mean, I think what's interesting about all this, Jack, is in some ways it calls the old Reaganomics into question, doesn't it?
Because Reaganomics was very much, it has some outward similarities to Trump.
Deregulation, privatization, tax cuts.
But on the other hand, it was also based upon this idea that there's a global free market.
Part of this meant a fairly permissive approach to immigration.
Under Reagan, the idea was that immigrants are bringing human capital.
That's a very good thing for the country.
Now, Trump seems to agree in part when Trump talks about, hey, listen, you want to bring $5 million?
We're going to let you in because that's going to help create jobs here.
But the second part of Reaganomics was very much to allow things to be made where they could be made the cheapest.
So, in other words, if steel could be made more cheaply in Thailand, well, bring in the steel from over there.
Why would we want to make it more expensively over here?
And in some ways, we're seeing a rethinking and a reexamination of all that.
Would you agree that we're in a new era where those old Reagan principles do need to be modified?
Well, I think you could call it Trumponomics.
I certainly think you could call it Trumponomics.
I think I just gave you your next book title, or maybe mine.
I'm not sure.
The system of globalization that I'm describing really kicked off under Bush.
Bush 41. And that's when General Scowcroft went to China in his secret meeting after the Tiananmen Square massacre and basically gave the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party a deal and said, either we can knock you off completely, treat them the way that essentially Russia was treated after the Ukraine war.
We can isolate you.
We can cut you off from trade.
We can sanction you and get you to the point where you are completely and utterly disbanded.
Or we can create this new system.
Or China becomes the global factory.
Because even then...
Sure, Reagan was for bringing in commodities and things like this, but you didn't really see the outsourcing.
You didn't see NAFTA. You didn't see the rise of China.
This all came later.
This was Bush 41 and Clinton.
Certainly NAFTA is a huge part in that as well.
And so those were things that came up after Reagan.
And I suppose we could have an academic discussion over whether or not he played the role in starting that ball rolling.
From a historical perspective, these were a lot of things that kicked off After the Reagan era.
And I don't know.
You know, I don't know if he specifically would have presided over them or not.
But I do know that it really was this Bush 41 plan with the Chinese Communist Party, as well as the work of Clinton and the NAFTA in the 1990s that really gave rise to the system that we have now.
So again, it becomes those three countries, China, Mexico and Canada, that really became the magnet for our job.
So our job, the manufacturing just flooded.
into those countries and ran out of the United States.
And what also followed with them, by the way, was capital.
So as capital flooded to those areas, of course, that's how China was able to build up the way that it is.
That's why Shanghai, and if you look at those areas of Shanghai that in the 1990s were across the river, there were rice paddies, and now it's one of these dazzling metropolises.
Well, that wasn't because of the Chinese Communist Party.
That was because of Western capital.
Western capital is the reason that China looks the way it does now, and Detroit looks the way it does now.
I think that this correction is the right move and I think it's the right move forward.
Good stuff.
Guys, I've been talking to Jack Posobiec, Senior Editor of Human Events.
Follow him on x at Jack Posobiec.
Hey, check out the book, Bulletproof, The Truth About the Assassination Attempts on Donald Trump.
The website is humanevents.com.
Jack, as always, a great pleasure and thanks for joining me.
God bless.
I think I'll finish the big lie today.
And Debbie suggests I... Do the Reagan book next.
My book, Ronald Reagan, How an Ordinary Man Became an Extraordinary Leader.
I'm thinking that might be a good idea for a couple of reasons.
The first one, of course, is that it's inevitable for people, at least people in my generation, to compare what's going on now under Trump with Reagan.
Look at the two men, both in terms of their principles and beliefs and ideology, but also in terms of their strategy and operational tactics and way of responding to the left.
It's almost as if we have two pole stars, two lodestones, two measures of conservative and republican effectiveness.
We kind of have to skip over the bushes.
And we don't have a whole lot to learn going further back to Eisenhower or Nixon.
But Reagan and Trump are the two towering figures of the last 50 years, certainly on the right.
And so it makes sense to look at them in the light of each other.
Not only that, but there is a reappraisal going on of Reagan and of the Reagan era.
We see this particularly in areas where Trump, interestingly, departs from Reagan on issues like free trade or tariffs or even on...
Trump's approach to foreign policy, which is much more transactional, I think, than Reagan's more ideological approach.
Are these differences explained by the differences of personality and the two men?
Are they differences of circumstances?
They're two men that are facing very different situations and therefore respond differently to it.
All of this, I think, is...
The landscape, the territory, the relevance of the study of Reagan.
And I think a final point is that there's a whole younger generation for whom Reagan is, quote, back in the day, is ancient history, is someone who was encountered through not direct experience because they're...
Either they weren't around or they were too young to know what was happening in the Reagan era.
And so I think for that reason, it's also a valuable historical snapshot.
It represents, by the way, a time when America was riding high.
And in some ways, when we say, make America great again...
One definition, one way of looking at that is let's get back to the confident morning in America that we had under Reagan.
So that is something to perhaps look forward to.
But for now, we are rounding out the big lie.
And I want to really conclude by making just a single large point.
And that is, how do you ultimately overcome the politics of the left?
How do you defeat the fascism, the Nazi streak in the left and in the Democratic Party?
There are a lot of concrete ways to do this, to take on the lawlessness of the left, to hold the police state accountable.
Much of that is going on now.
At least the process has begun.
It needs to keep going, by the way.
I was on a, well, I was on Eric Bolling's podcast, I guess it was yesterday, and I was making the point that even though we see a lot of activity in exposing this and exposing that and even taking away the security clearances of the 51 intelligence officials, we haven't really seen much in the way of prosecution, of arrest.
I think it's important for Pam Bondi to kind of get on with that.
I don't think it's going to be enough to merely throw sunlight on the bad stuff going on.
You have to do something about it.
All right.
Now, how do you make big changes in American politics?
The answer is you...
We have to sort of create a democratic or a constitutional version of a one-party state.
This may seem like an odd thing for me to say.
I've been bewailing the Democrats' attempt to create a one-party state.
But the truth of the matter is that you can make lasting changes in American politics really in only one way.
And that is you have to control everything.
You have to control the Congress, both houses.
You have to control the presidency.
And you need to have a pretty decisive majority in the Supreme Court.
Now, all of this is within striking distance, isn't it?
We have a 6-3, maybe a more durable 5-4 majority at the Supreme Court.
We have both houses of Congress, albeit narrowly.
We do have the presidency.
But you sort of need the full gamut.
And interestingly, when we look at American history, one-party rule has been the norm.
Not the exception.
Think about it.
From the 1820s to 1860, that's 40 years, the Democrats were the majority party.
They controlled, for the most part, the presidency and the Congress and the Supreme Court.
Now, from 1865, when the Civil War ended, to 1932, the Republicans were the majority.
And from 1932 to 1980, the Democrats.
A bit of a draw.
Power has shifted back and forth.
Well, we had the Reagan year, but let's remember under Reagan, the Democrats had the Congress for the most part.
And so we need, as conservatives, as Republicans, we need in MAGA a governing coalition.
And this is going to require a deepening of the inroads that Trump has made already.
Into the working class and into minority groups.
You have to convince really all the major groups in the country that you have something to offer them, that your agenda is good for them.
And that, I think, is underway.
Now, the other thing you have to do is to break the monopoly.
that the left has established over a lot of our cultural institutions.
This is for example the relevance of even fights that seem by themselves to be kind of petty.
Debbie and I were talking yesterday about the Kennedy Center.
And Debbie was saying, well, do we really need to be fighting over the Kennedy Center?
And I said, well, actually, yes.
Because the Kennedy Center is, by and large, a way for the left to award cultural trophies to its own side.
You know, they find some, you know, one-eyed lesbian poet, pay her $10,000 to read her gibberish at the Kennedy Center, and, you know, 80 cat ladies attend.
But this is how they create careers for their own...
Freakazoid movement.
And we need to stop it.
Not only to stop them from doing it, but quite honestly to start doing it on our side.
Not that we have a lot of one-eyed lesbians on our side.
We may have one or two.
But guess what?
If we do, let's give them the $10,000.
Although not necessarily to produce the same kind of non-poetry.
In other words, the broad point I'm making, I'm doing it somewhat facetiously, is the importance of creating our own institutions, our own universities, our own media, even our own comedians.
And this is a way that we have a battle that doesn't just focus on the political arena, but also on the cultural arena.
Look, there are some people who say, you know, politics is downstream from culture.
I think it's arguable that the opposite is also true.
Culture is downstream from politics, that the one clearly affects the other.
So you need to fight on both fronts.
And look, we have the ability to do this.
Not just with Trump, but also beyond Trump.
I close out the book in this way.
We are the party that fought a great war to end slavery, fought lynching and segregation, shut down the Ku Klux Klan, opposed eugenics and forced sterilization, resisted the incipient fascism of the street thugs in the 1960s, and some were the party that has...
For a century and a half combated the fascism of the political left.
We've won before.
We can win again.
We have the power now to stop them.
We just have to use it.
We have to just do it.
And then I close with the slogan from the 1960s.
If not now, when?
If not us, who?
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