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Jan. 21, 2025 - Dinesh D'Souza
50:32
TRUMP RESET Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep 1004
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Thank you.
Thank you.
I want to focus on Biden's execrable pardons, Trump's pardon of the January 6th hostages, and also this momentous decision to pull the clearances of the 51 intelligence officers who affirmed that the Hunter Biden laptop was Russian disinformation.
Congressman Brandon Gill, my son-in-law, joins me.
We're going to talk about his take.
On Trump's momentous first day.
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Debbie and I were thrilled to be in Washington, D.C. Well...
I should qualify that.
It was extremely cold.
Debbie's like, what are we doing here?
She's like, so finally I said, Debbie, I think you're going to be ready to be going home.
She goes, I was ready to go home on Friday.
Debbie does not do well in frigid weather.
And it was frigid weather.
I can see why they pulled the inauguration indoors, because to sit out there in that kind of weather for hours.
Would have been really torture.
So it was, I think, in retrospect, the right decision.
We decided, by the way, for that reason, to kind of skip the inaugural ceremony.
We just couldn't imagine sitting outdoors.
And then, of course, they switched it inside.
So Brandon and Danielle, they were in there.
But Debbie and I just went for some festivities.
We went to a kind of a VIP dinner on Friday night.
Then we went to the Prager University luncheon on Saturday, and I spoke for a few minutes.
Just a tribute to Dennis Prager, who, by the way, has been in...
He had a horrible fall and severe injuries.
He was partially paralyzed for a while.
He is doing a little better.
He's in good spirits, I understand, but he has a way to go before he can be...
In a sense, back on his feet.
So do keep him in your thoughts and prayers.
Dennis is, as I mentioned, at the Prager Lunch the indispensable man.
This is a guy who has been a stalwart for moral values for the Judeo-Christian tradition.
And there are very few indispensable men in our society.
So he's certainly one of them.
And then we went to the Texas, it was called the Black Time Boots Ball.
Debbie was superbly attired in her glittering sequin outfit with her cowboy boots.
And it was a, well, it was fun and it was also a zoo and it was huge.
I believe there was something like 6,000 people in the Washington Hilton Hotel in multiple large rooms and there were all kinds of Bands playing from top to bottom.
Cowboy bands.
Western.
Tex-Mex.
There was a kind of a Mexican type of band.
Or maybe it's mariachi.
I'm not really sure.
Then a couple of rappers.
What was it?
Tejano.
It's Tejano music.
And there were even a couple of rappers who got up there and started doing their thing.
This really shows you the way in which our culture has become...
Well, kind of hybridized because even in Texas, at one point you'd have, you know, you'd have a cowboy and he'd just go listen to Willie Nelson and eat a steak.
And now the same cowboy is like at Starbucks ordering like a Frappuccino and listening to rap music.
And so these segmented aspects of our culture seem to have now come together.
We watched the Trump inauguration in our hotel room, and frankly, we were kind of eager to get to the airport because it's been heavy snow in Texas, and we took the last flight out from Washington to Texas.
Now, all kinds of stuff going on.
Trump, of course, I think came out swinging, which was awesome and the right thing to do.
Which is to say, even though there he is in the room and you've got, you know, Biden, you've got Kamala Harris, the temptation would be to bow to that kind of bipartisan presence, not to mention you've got the Clintons there, you've got Obama, now Michelle Obama.
decided to skip it.
I think she realized that her mean-spirited personality was bound to come out.
If she was there, she'd be scowling and so on.
And so she decided, look, I just can't play the role, if you will.
Kamala Harris tried to play the role, but looked extremely uncomfortable.
Joe Biden just looked defeated.
And apparently he did not tell Trump that he was pardoning his family members.
He did it within the last 15 minutes.
And Trump said later, I didn't even know about it.
I don't know if it would have made a difference if Trump would have commented on it or referred to it.
I don't think he would have.
But at least he would have known.
And he didn't.
Trump laid it out.
This is what we're going to do with the country.
And he went through the key issues.
Now, he didn't mention January 6th, which was kind of interesting.
And in fact, Debbie and I thought he should have.
But there he was.
Think about it.
He was in that exact same venue.
He was in the rotunda.
I think he decided, look, I'm going to take action subsequently.
And it wasn't cool that Trump basically brought a little desk out there.
To the Capital One Center and is able to sign executive orders.
The other thing about it is look at the kind of easy facility of Trump.
In other words, his ability, he's signing these executive orders and he's being peppered with questions while he's signing.
And he's able to give intelligent comments and commentary while he's signing.
Biden couldn't do that.
So we've had a president essentially, not just emotionally paralyzed, but intellectually comatose or semi-comatose for four years with other people making the decisions.
A very frightening idea in an electoral democracy.
But that's what the Democrats gave us.
And think about it.
They were ready to give us four more years of the same.
Had it not been for that debate, had Biden not been directly exposed.
All of this would still be going on.
So Trump then sits down and he begins to unleash these executive orders.
And I could talk about these for the rest of this week.
And I probably will do it to some degree.
But I want to really focus today on two.
And then a little later, I'm going to bring on Brandon Gill.
And we're going to talk about the border, which was a number of the executive orders focused on the border.
So we'll save that for the conversation with Brandon.
I'm going to talk a little bit about the January 6th pardons.
And then in the next segment, I'm going to talk about the 51 intelligence officers and John Bolton, all of whom lost their security clearances.
And a very important, and I think overlooked, the importance of it has been somewhat understated or overlooked.
Now, with regard to January 6th, there was a little bit of a debate and our friend Jerry Perna, who came on my podcast, got some heat because she had said, listen, there were some bad guys who caused trouble and they got into fights with the cops and they were violent.
And she said, my nephew, Matt Perna, looked at that footage and looked at those people and go, These guys are giving us all a bad name.
This is not why we were there.
This is not who we are or what we did.
So for these reasons, Jerry thought, look, pardon most of these guys.
Maybe commute some of the other guys who have served long enough.
But there's no need to have comprehensive pardons.
I pushed back in the conversation with Jerry, and the point that I made, which I think is the point that ultimately Trump came to the same view, and it is this, that the process was irredeemably tainted.
It's like the Stalin show trials.
Now, it could be that there were some of Stalin's political opponents who were, in fact, guilty of crimes.
But the point is, how would you know?
When the process is tainted, when the people going after you are themselves crooks, when there's a clear element of orchestration, when you deliberately prevent the security that could have obstructed anyone from entering the building, when you add up all of this, and then the lies of the January 6th committee, one on top of the other, the propaganda disseminated by the media.
The rigged juries, all in Washington, D.C., 99% or 95% of anti-Trump people in the jury, the whole thing cannot be trusted.
And so you have to just realize that when the process is so badly tainted, really everyone is presumed innocent.
And you have to let them go.
And that really was Trump's view.
Trump made a small amendment or a small set aside, if you will, and that is for some of these guys who were found guilty of seditious conspiracy.
Now, I'm going to try to get Stuart Rhodes on the podcast again.
This is the head of the Oath Keepers.
But the point here is that Stuart Rhodes wasn't even in Washington, D.C. Some of these prog boys, they kind of talked, you know, the talk, the trash talk.
Oh, we're going to...
Do this.
I'm going to do that.
And Pelosi's head is going to be banging on the stairs and we're going to drag her out.
But the point is, there was no real conspiracy.
And none of those guys brought any weapons into Washington, D.C. And January 6th, as a result, was an entirely unarmed event with regard to going inside the Capitol.
And so, nevertheless, what Trump decided is, I'm going to commute the sentences of those guys, or he names them, a handful of them, or a dozen or so, and then he pardons everybody else.
A huge, you know, a huge rebuke, a huge up yours, a huge take this, if you will.
And it's very hard for the left to complain.
Biden pardons his own family members.
Biden pardons Liz Cheney, Fauci.
I mean, you had this orgy of pardons from Biden, and I think in some ways that cleared the path for Trump to do the same, and the left not to have a whole lot to say about it.
And even if they did have a whole lot to say about it, well, who cares?
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I want to talk in this segment about the Decision by Trump to yank the security clearances of the 51 intelligence officers who had affirmed the Hunter Biden laptop to be Russian disinformation, even though they knew it was not.
They wanted to help Joe Biden across the finish line.
And these are very powerful and important people.
They're supposedly the top spies, if you will, the top intelligence figures in the U.S. establishment, some of them from Republican administrations.
But they work as one.
Part of what was significant about this group was that they were able to assemble a bipartisan cabal of big name.
CIA directors, NSA directors, intelligence officials, and signed their names to this document.
Debbie and I were thrilled to all in the full knowledge that they were engaging in propaganda.
Who cares?
Trump, by pulling these security clearances, it doesn't seem on the face of it to be a big step.
Because after all, many of these guys, well, all of them are no longer in the government.
They use these security clearances to get very lucrative jobs and consulting deals, which are all based upon the idea that these guys have inside information, that they really know what's going on.
They're briefed in the same way that senior people in the government are briefed.
And so this is part of the mystique that they carry around.
But now they don't have it.
And as I said, it may seem like this is really not the same as, you know, court-martialing these guys or indicting them or arresting them.
And those things, I think, are deserved, to be honest.
These people are very bad guys.
They betrayed the public trust.
They deserve the severest types of punishments.
But I think it is important that this step is taken because it is so unprecedented.
I say this because these people are used to getting away with it.
They never, well, they rarely get caught.
Normally, they work in conjunction with the Democratic Party, with the media.
It's all behind the scenes.
Think of the way that these are the people who orchestrated the Russia collusion hoax.
I mean, it was cooked up by Hillary.
It was cooked up with Hillary and Obama and Biden all in the Oval Office together.
But these are the people they deployed to carry it out.
And these are very skilled people.
I mean, if you watched my earlier film, Trump Card, we interviewed George Papadopoulos.
George Papadopoulos was a Trump, relatively lowly Trump official, living in Europe.
And guess what?
A senior figure at Cambridge University connected with British intelligence contacts him, and his so-called man posing as an Israeli businessman contacts him.
An Australian diplomat named Downer contacts him.
All of these people were put up to it.
By this type of cabal.
Not necessarily by these 51 people, but by these types of people.
Again, what they're doing is they are entrapping.
They were trying to get Papadopoulos to say, oh yeah, we had some dealings with Russia.
Oh yes, I heard this dirt about Hillary Clinton.
And then boom, they would have used that not only to arrest Papadopoulos, but to try to use it to get Trump.
This is who these people are.
This is what they do.
Blackmail is their way of doing business.
Lies is their trade.
Sometimes you say, well, these people can't believe they're liars.
Well, lying is their profession.
That's what it means to be a spy.
And so false narratives is their stock and trade.
The difference, of course, is that they're supposed to be deploying all this to fight our enemies.
But they're using it to...
And so I think the significance of pulling these clearances is this.
It is a major rebuke to the police state.
It's about breaking the power structure that has been pulling the strings behind the scenes in this country.
These are people who censored the news.
They manipulate elections.
They defraud voters.
They protect their own people who are able to get away with all kinds of hideous crimes.
And so what is at stake here is democracy.
It is the integrity of elections.
It is rule of law.
It is whether or not we have a government that thinks it is open season to imprison and indict your political opponents.
So freedom itself is, in a sense, at stake here.
And this is the part of the permanent government.
That's why it's so easy for them to bring in a Republican, a Democrat, get these people to work together.
They've been working together for a long time.
And so Trump has finally said, I'm going to hold these guys accountable.
There's probably a lot more accountability that's due.
But to take this first step right away, I think, is important progress on the part of Trump.
To conclude this thought, I was thinking a little bit about Melania Trump and Donald Trump and their demeanor at the inauguration.
And you notice that Melania Trump was dressed, I would say, almost in, well, she was dressed in, first of all, a very striking, almost Jackie Kennedy type of old world elegance.
But she was also dressed with her hat pulled down in a certain type of, I've had it with you people messaging.
At least that's what I got out of it.
And I read a very amusing post on X this morning.
It says, I'm just going to read it to you.
In every marriage, there's one spouse who wants to destroy anyone who tries to harm the family.
And the other spouse has to talk the first spouse like off the ledge.
Don't go overboard.
And then he goes on to say, in Trump's marriage, I always thought that like Trump was the hothead and Melania was like the peacemaker.
He goes, maybe that was true at one time.
But now, he says, after watching today.
And I got the same impression.
That's why I'm reading this tweet, because it reflects my own view.
He says, I'm convinced Melania is the steely-eyed assassin who wants cold revenge.
And Donald Trump is the one reasoning to calm down.
Well, Trump is taking the necessary steps, and I'm delighted to see it.
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It's D-I-N-E-S-H Dinesh.
Guys, I'm delighted to have back on the podcast, well, my son-in-law, Brandon Gill, congressman from the 26th District of Texas, and now a, well, now the Honorable Brandon Gill.
He's hit the ground running.
He's doing great.
I thought it'd be fun to talk about his first-hand experiences in the launching of this new Trump era.
Hey, Brandon, thanks for coming on.
Appreciate it.
We had the chance to catch up with you guys over the weekend, but of course, you know, it's a blizzard of activity and you're flitting from event to event.
Let's talk a little bit.
I saw you just posted this morning about the fact that you've been selected to be on an important subcommittee involving one Elon Musk.
Talk about that.
That's right.
And thanks for having me on, Dinesh.
I had a lot of fun this past week.
But it was just announced earlier today.
That I am going to be on the Doge subcommittee, which is a subcommittee of the Oversight Committee.
It's chaired by Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene.
It's, of course, the Department of Governmental Efficiency.
You know, Doge was something that President Trump ran on.
It's something that he and Elon Musk have been talking a lot about over the past several months.
The American people can see all of the weird, woke stuff that's just been...
All over our federal government.
I mean, it really touches everything, whether it's diversity, equity, and inclusion, or just weird government waste.
And the purpose of this committee is to find those things and to get rid of them, to get rid of government bureaucrats who shouldn't be there, to get rid of diversity mandates that shouldn't be there, and to make sure we expose them and find them.
So it's going to be a really exciting place to be.
I think it's a core part of the mandate that President Trump and House Republicans have right now.
I'm thrilled to be there.
Does this involve setting up little hit teams inside of all these innumerable cabinet departments and agencies?
Because it looks to me like this is a bit of a ground war, right?
These bureaucrats, first of all, they're like rats.
And they know how to run and hide.
I think I saw somewhere that the FBI disbanded its DEI, but they didn't fire anybody.
All those people were given new titles.
Oh, I'm now the coordinator for human resources, but really doing the same thing.
So it looks like we need some very sharp eyes inside of these agencies to ferret out these scurrying bureaucrats, right?
That's exactly right.
I mean, President Trump tried to go after the deep state and the administrative state during his first four years in office, and we saw how much they fought back against him.
But we've got to make sure to send a message to the administrative state that career bureaucrats are not in charge here.
The American people are.
And the American people elect representatives to represent their interests, and that's what we're going to do.
It doesn't really matter what the bureaucrats think.
But to your point, we are going to have to go in there pretty aggressively and with a fine-tooth comb, look at every single department.
Where are we spending money?
What's it going towards?
Who's it going towards?
And start to weed this stuff out.
And I think that we're going to have quite a few hearings, I would expect, over the next few months that will expose a lot of this.
One of the things that's good about being on these committees is, You have subpoena power.
So we can haul in the head of X, Y, and Z agency, put them under oath and make them explain what their department does.
And if they lie, then they perjured themselves.
And whenever they tell the truth, then we can shine sunlight on what they're doing.
So I think that we're going to have to be really aggressive here because you're right.
They are going to fight back against us.
And it's, you know, the American people can see through showmanship at this point.
It's not good enough, to your point, to have the head of diversity just move to a different agency or to move to HR and do the same thing.
You know, we've got to really, really go after these people because whether it's diversity, equity, inclusion, or just general government waste, I mean, this stuff is a poison in our federal government, and it's our job to get rid of it.
What were your impressions, Brandon, just being right in there at the ceremony of President Trump, taking the oath, the mood in the room?
People have done a lot of commentary about, you know, Melania's outfit and the kind of tone that Trump is trying to set.
What do you think is, what did you take away from being in the room at that event?
Well, first of all, it was surreal being inside the Capitol Rotunda with other members of Congress.
Not every Democrat showed up and other senators, not all the Democrat senators showed up.
But you also had his cabinet.
You had industry titans.
You had all of the people who we've been seeing for the past several months fighting to get President Trump elected and the people who are going to actually execute on this mandate.
You know, whenever he came in there...
And he gave this speech, and he really didn't hold any punches back from Joe Biden.
That's one of the things I loved about it, is if we're going to save the country, we've got to be really clear about where we've come from.
And I thought it was inspiring because it showed some backbone that the American people are dying for.
So I could have listened to that speech for another...
Four hours.
I loved it.
I thought it was excellent.
I thought it was actually one of President Trump's greatest speeches he's ever given.
And he's given a lot of very good speeches.
So I was just fired up as soon as we were done there, ready to get to work.
I mean, the media was pushing for Trump to do, quote, a unity speech.
And I think you know what that means.
A unity speech ultimately means let's avoid sensitive or controversial issues.
Let's find common and middle ground.
And I think what Trump was saying is not that he's against unity, but let's unify around the agenda that the country voted for, not only by an electoral majority, but by a popular majority.
Now, one of the key issues that Trump stressed, and it's an issue I know that has been a primary one for you as well, is the issue of the border.
It seems that a good percentage even of the subsequent executive orders are about the border.
Talk a little bit about what you expect to see happening at the border starting right about now.
Yeah, and first on unity, it is true.
Every time Democrats lose the majority, you hear them talking about unifying and coming together.
Every time they're in the majority, whenever they have the trifecta like we do, they shove the most radically left-wing possible legislative agenda down our throat.
So we've got to be clear-eyed about where they're coming from here, what their motives are.
The border is a good example.
Whenever you think about unity, you often think about reaching across the aisle or meeting somebody halfway.
How are we supposed to meet the Democrats halfway on something like the border?
They want 10 million illegal aliens coming across our country in four years.
We want zero.
Are we supposed to meet halfway and settle on five?
I mean, that's absurd.
The American people don't want that, neither do we.
So we've got a mandate to secure the border.
President Trump got started on that really, really early, and I was thrilled to see it.
You saw executive orders that declared a national emergency at the border.
He brought back Remain in Mexico.
He got rid of the CBP1 app, which essentially facilitates fraudulent asylum claims into the country.
He's pouring resources into building the wall.
He's fighting back against a lot of these fraudulent visa claims, fraudulent refugee programs that the Biden administration has instituted over the past four years, which, again, have just facilitated immigration fraud.
And we've seen it and we know about it.
But finally, we have a president who's pushing back against it.
He really didn't waste any time doing it.
This has been something that Republicans have been running on for a long time.
I think President Trump is the first Republican in decades who's been very serious about border protection.
I think it's really exciting.
I think that our goal in Congress should be to take the executive orders that President Trump is instituting and then codify them into law.
And I know you have a bill to that effect that you have drafted in conjunction with others.
I mean, even in the first term, 2016, where Trump did have a pretty successful approach to discouraging people from coming across the border, to some degree sealing the border, although a full-scale wall wasn't built.
But of course, the one thing that didn't really happen in 2016 was a good old send-em-back program.
And it looks like that's the key distinction with 2024. Now, already when you look at social media, there's an iconic...
You know, photo of this woman who's like breaking down into tears and this is going to be the emotional strategy deployed by the left and by the media.
Hey, look at this, you know, breaking up of families and the causing of human anguish, the usual sort of feigned tantrums that we're very accustomed to.
Do you think that there's going to be an actual evacuation program, a substantial one of people who are already here?
And second of all, how do you...
How do you propose that people deal with this kind of emotional blackmail of, this is not who we are as Americans.
Look at this poor woman, you know, crying for her life.
Yeah, you know, it's a different iteration of the same thing that we saw in 2016, right?
President Trump comes in and he's the first major Republican presidential candidate to talk seriously about building a border wall.
Not only the left, but even people at times on our side go after him saying the border wall was racist or saying stupid slogans, you know, like America doesn't build walls, we tear them down.
You know, that's kind of like the border version of diversity is our greatest strength.
It's kind of a meaningless or outright false slogan.
So he was attacked like crazy.
And basically what he did is he just doubled down.
Whenever he got into office, he made every attempt he could to build the border wall.
Obviously, the left tried to tie it up in court.
They slowed down the process.
But I think there is some degree to which you've got to just put your head down and charge even harder whenever they come after us.
There are going to be all kinds of stories that the left pushes about.
You know, people who are being deported, you're going to see people crying.
They're going to find the one or two instances of, like you just said, a lady crying, and they're going to put it on the news.
But what we've got to do is remember that the reason that we're in this position...
Is that Joe Biden brought in 10 million illegal aliens to the country who are doing what?
They are straining our education system.
They're straining our health care system.
They're depressing wages for American workers.
They are bringing in an enormous amount of fentanyl, the most deadly drug ever created.
They're bringing an enormous amount of crime.
They are ripping our social fabric apart and putting a huge strain on our economy, growing the welfare state.
I mean, they're ripping this country in two.
So we've got to remember why we're doing this.
It's kind of like the seen and the unseen.
It's easy to see.
The sob stories of the people who are being deported.
You don't always see front and center the people whose children are dying of fentanyl in our schools.
The people who aren't getting an American education because their classes are filled with illegal aliens.
We've got to always remember why we're doing this to begin with.
Let's talk about a couple of other things that Trump did.
One was, of course, the freeing of the January 6th.
He called them hostages.
And I know even in the January 6th community, there were some people who were like, well, don't pardon everybody, you know.
But Trump pretty much did.
I mean, he commuted a few sentences, but mostly it's like, you can go.
And I think this is a huge deal.
And of course, it's kind of a giant statement to the Biden DOJ. And the other thing he did was he took away the clearances of the 51 intelligence officers who had affirmed that the Hunter Biden laptop was Russian disinformation and maybe not affirmed it, but certainly implied it.
And also, as an add-on, he took away the clearance of John Bolton.
It's kind of like, we're going to do the 51 and this guy John Bolton.
And what do you make of that as part of Trump's larger flurry of initiatives on day one?
I think that the January 6th commission and the prosecutions that we saw out of that were so egregiously weaponized against...
Republicans and conservatives, I mean, they were locking up any grandma who was within 50 miles of the Capitol on January 6th.
So in order to sort of rectify that egregious, egregious weaponization of the federal government, I think Trump went the other way and said, we're going to pardon everybody.
And I think that was the right move.
You know, whenever the deep state...
Or whenever the left swings at us, we've got to swing back twice as hard.
I think he did kind of the same thing with these 51 intelligence agents who had pushed the fake Russian hoax, saying that President Trump was colluding with the Russian government.
I mean, this is...
Flagrant election interference.
And we've got to have accountability for this stuff.
The American people have been dying for a Washington that actually listens to them.
And the elites haven't been listening for the past four years.
So, you know, they got what's coming to them.
And I'm very, very glad that President Trump did that.
And at some level, Brandon, it's kind of mild.
I mean, if you take away some security clearance, it's like, all right, well, you're not going to be able to pass yourself off as having inside information, but that's the extent of the harm done to you.
I mean, it's interesting how the left kept saying, well, Trump is a fascist, he's a dictator.
I mean, if he was really a dictator, he would have lined them up and shot them all, right?
right?
I mean, that's what a real dictator would do.
What we're seeing here is just an effort to create some modicum of accountability.
Guys, I've been talking to Congressman Brandon Gill, a member of the family, I'm happy to say.
Follow him on X at RealBrandonGill, the website, brandongill4congress.com.
Brandon, always great to have you on, and let's do it again.
Yep, we'll do it, Tim.
Thanks for having me.
I'm continuing my discussion, guys, of The Big Lie, and we are...
In a section where I'm talking about the parallels between the militias deployed by the Democratic Party, notably the Ku Klux Klan, but the Klan was only one of multiple militias.
There were other sort of orders of this and knights of that.
The Klan was kind of the most famous of these military deployments.
And the Nazis had the brown shirts, which was a kind of group of young thugs.
And these guys were in many respects similar to...
I mentioned last time that just as the KKK didn't just target minorities, namely Blacks, they also targeted Republicans, which is to say political opponents.
And similarly, the brown shirts targeted not only Jews, but opponents of the Nazi Party.
Professors, for example, in universities who would denounce the Nazi Party were assaulted by these brown shirts and sometimes beaten up.
The point I want to stress today is the interesting way in which both organizations over time were displaced by a racist establishment that used the power of the state and didn't need these street thugs anymore.
It's kind of interesting to follow this process both in the case of the Democratic Party in the South and also in the case of the Nazi Party following its ascent to power.
Starting in the 1890s, the ruling powers of the Democratic Party said, you know, we have a KKK and they're kind of doing good work and they're doing our work, but we can do better.
Why?
Because by this time, it's now 25 years after the Civil War, the Democrats were really consolidating their power in the South.
And by the way, they would hold on to that power well into the 1960s, 70s, even 1980s.
They said, once we control the governments of the South, we don't really need street thuggery.
Think about it.
Why do you need vigilante justice when you control the courts?
You control the judges.
In some degree, you control the juries.
So you don't have to chase someone down and string them up on a tree.
You do that when you think the justice system is too slow.
It's not really working.
But when you control the justice system, you can make it work for you.
The goal of the Democrats was to replace the Klan and its kind of random acts of violence with state-sponsored discrimination.
What did this mean?
Segregation.
It meant keeping blacks out of industries.
It meant discriminating against them in all kinds of ways, including the vote.
And by the way, the Nazis figured out something very parallel.
They're like, why do we need these street thugs when we can have the Nuremberg Laws against Jews?
And we can have other measures to disenfranchise the Jews.
So both the KKK and the brown shirts sort of started out as kind of hazing societies.
Let's find these people we don't like and terrorize them, harass them.
When the Klan first started, it was almost like a...
A joking organization or an organization that would play pranks.
They would, you know, grab some black guy on the street and like pull down his pants and make him walk around naked and everybody jeer.
And the brown shirt's the same.
They would go into some Jewish store and they would then, you know, pinch the Jewish entrepreneur or they would grab him by the nose or they would do all kinds of abasement or humiliation, shave off half his beard.
And you can see these organizations developing and becoming more and more cruel and more and more violent.
I mentioned also that both groups, the KKK and the Brown Shirts, had their own kind of rituals and paraphernalia and outfits.
Like, look at the Klan.
You know, you put on a robe.
You have all these ridiculous titles.
You're the Klegal.
You're the Grand Wizard.
You're the Grand Dragon.
And similarly, the brown shirts.
They had, well, they had brown shirts.
That's why they got their name.
They had breeches.
They had jackboots.
They had distinctive caps.
The uniforms had swastikas and other types of insignia.
They did certain types of walking and marching and salutes.
And there was an air of secrecy and kind of mystery around both organizations.
Now, the brown shirts, like the Klan, portrayed themselves as champions of social justice.
Notice that that slogan is continued, really, to our own day.
The Democrats are the party of social justice.
Well, the Klan saw themselves that way, too.
Their point was that we are meeting out justice to Black offenders and Republican offenders, and we don't need to go to trial.
Why?
Because, well, we know who did it.
This guy.
And so let's just go administer justice like swiftly and immediately.
And similarly, the brown shirts in Germany were punishing Jews for crimes that they said in some cases hadn't gone undetected or they weren't even on the books.
And so there was a kind of, these are political soldiers who saw themselves overriding a slow and dysfunctional system and acting decisively too to set things right.
Think of Kristallnacht, which was the night of the broken glass.
Nazis basically brown shirts rampaging through Jewish stores.
Very similar to the Tulsa race ride of 1921. Similarly, you had the Klan and Klan-affiliated types marching through black neighborhoods, burning down homes, looting businesses, killing dozens of people.
So for someone kind of moving their eye back and forth across the Atlantic, you see a distinctive...
But in the end, as I said, both the Democrats and the Nazis said enough is enough.
We don't actually need this random street violence.
And so the Democrats replaced it.
They kind of pushed aside the Klan.
The Klan had a revival about 15 years later under Woodrow Wilson.
But before that happened, the Democrats really were busy focusing on getting segregation laws.
State-sponsored discrimination, excluding blacks from pretty much all government positions except menial positions, cleaning the halls, cleaning the toilets, and so on.
And all of this lasted a long time, much longer than in the Nazi era.
So for the Democrats, this state-sponsored discrimination went from the 1880s all the way to the 1960s.
And for the Nazis, it was much shorter.
Hitler came to power in the 1930s.
And fairly promptly decided, look, I don't really need these brown shirts.
I'm going to get rid of them.
Why?
Because the brown shirts were my Hitler's street thugs.
And his point was, now that I'm in power, I have the military.
In fact, Hitler had passed the Enabling Act, giving him almost virtually absolute power.
So he became the absolute force.
Dictating what the military could and should do and who it should go after, not only outside of Germany, but also inside.
The Braunschutz were headed by this guy named Ernst Röhm, a notorious homosexual, but also a close ally of Hitler.
Hitler didn't have any problem with Röhm as a homosexual.
Some people think, well, Hitler had Röhm killed because he was a homosexual.
Nonsense.
Hitler, in fact, had once pointed out that the homosexuals were really good fighters in the Nazi party, Röhm included.
But what happened is that once Hitler took charge of the state, he saw Ernst Röhm as a potential rival.
He said, look, I'm going to have this kind of street Nazi party controlled almost like a rival gang by another guy.
I don't want that.
Whatever I need to do can be accomplished through the police and through the military.
And so Hitler recruited an SS commander who later became the commandant at Dachau, and this guy executed Röhm.
And then, of course, you had the systematic set of anti-Jewish laws.
I mentioned the Nuremberg laws, but there were laws that told Jews to emigrate, laws that kind of ghettoized the Jews.
You've got to live in a Jewish neighborhood.
You've got to wear a Star of David.
Ultimately, the Jews were rarely removed from all the major professions.
There was an Aryan clause added to the civil service laws, so Jews couldn't work in the government.
Later, they couldn't practice banking, they couldn't practice law, they couldn't practice medicine.
So one by one, they were eradicated from the major institutions of German society.
Notice again the parallel to blacks in the South.
Now blacks, unlike Jews, were not a...
Successful group in that they weren't already ensconced in these professions.
So blacks were not allowed to enter these professions.
Jews who already were in these professions were pulled out from them.
But the point I want to make is there's a kind of mirroring.
of the segregation, the state-sponsored discrimination.
It's occurring in the South under the aegis of the Democratic Party.
It's occurring in Germany under the aegis of the Nazi Party.
So my conclusion, and I'm going to read the last line of this chapter in the middle of the book.
In this respect, as in so many others, the Nazis and the Democrats draw us so close that it becomes increasingly difficult to tell one from the other.
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