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April 4, 2024 - Dinesh D'Souza
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SECRET WEAPON Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep804
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Coming up, I'll reveal how Democrats plan to use young people as their secret weapon to win the 2024 election for Joe Biden.
I'll review the testimony of a former Georgia election official who confirms that things were rotten in the state of Georgia in 2020.
And Texas House Representative Brian Harrison joins me We're going to talk about how the GOP-led legislature became so dysfunctional and what is being done to fix it.
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This is the Dinesh D'Souza show.
The times are crazy and a time of confusion, division, and lies.
We need a brave voice of reason, understanding, and truth.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
How do Democrats win elections?
Now, you say they cheat.
That's how they win, Didesh.
We know how they win.
You made 2,000 mules, remember?
So, that's one answer.
And it is a correct answer, but it's not a full answer.
Because, yes, Democrats do cheat.
But it is also true that Democrats work differently.
They work to win elections.
And by work, I don't simply mean that the rank-and-file Democrat gets out in the morning, goes door-to-door, or makes sure that he or she casts their vote either early or on the day of the election.
I'm talking about work here in an organized sense.
Democrats mobilize.
And to mobilize, you need, number one, money.
Number two, you need organizations that are not only set up for but expert in mobilization.
Three, you need a target that you're trying to mobilize.
You're trying to mobilize votes and you're trying to mobilize volunteers that will get other people to vote.
So you We need to put this whole thing together.
And my point is that while Republicans slumber, while Republicans bloviate, while Republicans like Rona McDaniel have raised money to do things, they don't actually do them.
Now, I want to show you how the Democrats operate by using as my case study young people.
Now, under Barack Obama, the effort to really go after young people was set up.
And it was set up by the Democrats through a nonprofit organization called Civic Nation.
This goes back to the early years of Obama.
This civic nation has now grown over the years.
It currently has a partnership with, get this, 1,700 colleges and universities.
It has a substantial budget, about $15 million in 2020.
What's its goal? To message to student voters and to mobilize student voters, not only as voters, but to go door to door to get other people to vote.
And Civic Nation, according to its own website, has partnered with nearly a thousand institutions to do that.
They claim to have signed up 10 million students.
Now, how do you do this? This is gonna take a lot of money.
And the Democrats know that, and so they organize the money.
There's a charitable fund called Arabella Advisors, which oversees a whole network of nonprofit.
Well, it has a whole bunch of donors, and then it has a whole bunch of nonprofit institutions.
And so Arabella Advisors provides the funds through the donors and through the nonprofits to mobilize the students.
Now, why the students?
Well, for an obvious reason.
This is a core constituency of the Democratic Party.
Young people are pretty much the only age group where a decisive majority supports the Democrats.
And young people in college, that majority is even more.
In other words, there are some young people who don't go to college.
Actually, those people are more likely to be Republican.
So why are these young people so left-wing?
Well, I mean, the answer is pretty simple.
It's not that they're educated and because they're smart, they're left-wing, Dinesh, because being smart means being left-wing.
No, that's not it. They mirror or echo the ideology of their professors.
So their professors are into the game of indoctrination.
Their professors have the idea that being left-wing is not only, quote, enlightened, but it's also sort of the cool thing to do.
It's the moral thing to do.
So, these ideas are imbued in young people, and so young people think, oh yeah.
So, these young people very often fool themselves into thinking, oh, I'm an independent thinker, I make up my own mind.
No, young people are very conformist.
How can I be cool?
How can I fit in?
And professors know this and so they're able to tap not only into the minds of young people but into the craven desire of young people to be part of a group, to be seen as cool, to be seen as righteous.
And professors give young people the idea that this is how you do it.
So this mobilization that the Democrats are organizing is particularly concentrated in swing states.
Again, the Democrats are smart.
They are targeting states.
If you look at the upsurge in young people voting, you'll see it occurs in places like Michigan, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, Arizona, Colorado, Nevada, Georgia.
Where do you find that young people are not particularly surging in their voter participation?
Well, West Virginia, Delaware, New Jersey, Connecticut, New York, Massachusetts.
So, what that means is the Democrats know that We've got New Jersey.
We don't need a big surge of young people.
But particularly in a close election, in a place like Georgia, a few thousand votes by young people can make a key difference.
And they know that, and they're working to get those people to vote and get those people to be part of the process.
Now, they act like this is a neutral...
We're just trying to get young people to vote, Dinesh.
This is a non-partisan effort, but it's not non-partisan.
Because if you target a constituency, it's kind of like me saying, okay, I'm going to try to get gun owners to vote.
Well, that's because I kind of know how they're going to vote.
Oh, I'm trying to get devout evangelical Christians and Orthodox Catholics to vote.
Yeah, but that's because I kind of know how at least a majority of them or an overwhelming majority of them are likely to vote.
And the latest twist, and this is where the cheating element comes in, the Democrats are always tweaking the process.
They're now, and this was an executive order just signed by Biden, It talks about using government money, using federal funds through the Department of Education to spearhead an effort to register voters.
Again, the Biden administration realizes they can't do this in a nakedly partisan way, so they say, well, you know, we're doing nothing more than trying to promote, quote, civic education.
Civic education is...
Your duty and your right as a citizen to vote.
So they act like we're doing nothing more than using funds to get students to be more civically involved.
But what they really mean is we're trying to use federal money for a get out the vote campaign for a constituency that is very likely to go our way.
So this is the sneakiness, this is the cunning of the Democrats.
At a certain level, you've got to admire it.
There's an element of corruption to it, as you can clearly see the deployment of federal dollars.
If you remove the deployment of federal dollars, you just have to say the Democrats are doing a great job.
They know how to get out their voters.
And the reason Republicans are losing is we don't do the same thing.
We don't have anything close to this kind of organization, this kind of fundraising, this kind of It is no surprise that Democrats have hijacked.
They kind of pull off these close elections.
They seem, you know, you look at eight or nine of them and you think, well, the tennis ball is going to fall sometimes over the net this way, sometimes over the net that way.
The Democrats are, no, it's not a matter of the ball accidentally falling one way over the net.
Let's work to make that difference.
So in a sense, every time the ball hits the net, It's going to roll over into the other side, so we get the point, we get the win, we get our people into Congress and the Senate, and the other side does not.
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Was the 2020 election the most secure in American history?
No, obviously not.
Saying that is one thing and showing it, proving it is another.
Now, this is relevant not simply because we have to look back to 2020 to realize what happened, obviously to prevent fraud in 2024.
But it's also important because there are ongoing cases, and I'm thinking specifically of Trump's January 6th case in Washington, D.C., but also the Fulton County case, the case that is being prosecuted by Fannie Willis, which has to do with Georgia.
Was the Georgia election the most secure election in Georgia history?
And the answer, once again, is no.
There is a disbarment trial going on.
This is part of the Lawfare Against Trump attorneys.
And there is a Lawfare Against Trump former Department of Justice official Jeffrey Clark.
And in that disbarment trial, a witness named Mark Wingate was called to testify.
Mark Wingate served on the Fulton County Board of Registrations and Elections.
So this is a guy who is in the election apparatus.
He's in the election process.
But he voted against certifying the 2020 election.
And he voted twice against that.
So he was brought in to testify on behalf of Jeffrey Clark.
And he was asked, well, why did you vote against certifying the 2020 election?
And Mark Wingate said some very interesting things that I want to relay.
Number one, he said that...
There was no effort to clean up the voter rolls.
So the voter rolls are contaminated, and by contaminated we mean simply that there are many thousands of people, maybe hundreds of thousands, on the voter rolls who shouldn't be there.
True, the vote, by the way, has challenged the voter rolls in Georgia.
They got sued by Stacey Abrams' group for doing that.
They won that lawsuit, which was thrown out.
But voter rolls, that's the first point.
The second point, that he emphasized missing custody documents.
In other words, if you have votes, absentee ballots dropped into drop boxes, there needs to be a chain of custody.
Somebody picked up the ballots from the drop box.
What did they do with those ballots?
Well, they gave it to some other guy.
Well, when did that happen?
Who signed for it? Where are those documents?
So chain of custody documents missing, not provided by Fulton County 3rd.
And this is something I know all too well.
No surveillance tapes of drop boxes.
This is, by the way, required by the election rules.
This is why, although we had a substantial amount of surveillance in 2,000 mules, we didn't have enough.
And some of the critics were like, you need to have more, Dinesh.
And I'm like, I wish I had more, but the rules were not followed.
Many of the states, and certainly including Fulton County, didn't do their job of installing proper surveillance.
So when they were asked to Can you give us the surveillance tapes in a public information request?
They're like, no, we don't have them and we don't know why we don't have them.
True, the vote actually has an email from the Fulton County Board of Elections to this effect.
We don't have this information and we can't explain to you why we don't have it.
So... This is all very creepy stuff.
And the creepiest of all was the testimony that this fellow, Mark Wingate, gave where he said that there was no signature verification performed on not thousands, but tens of thousands, in fact, possibly even hundreds of thousands of ballots.
He goes on to say that there was a lot of talk about doing a signature matching.
At one point, they said we're expecting a lot of ballots to be cast through absentee ballots, and so we need to have some electronic way.
We need an electronic system that can do this kind of signature matching.
And so he was led to believe, Mr.
Wingate was, that this would, in fact, take place.
But after the election, he asked, hey, what kind of signature verification did we do on the absentee ballots?
And he was evidently told by the elections office, well, we didn't really do any.
We didn't really do any.
And what this means, you can see the way in which this absolutely facilitates election fraud.
If you get ballots from a homeless encampment, and you get all those guys to give you their ballots, and let's say money does or doesn't change hands, you fill out their ballots, you just sign for them.
Well, obviously, the signature verification, and there is a signature on file for that voter, And there is an actual comparison done, it's quite possible that a number of these fraudulent ballots would be caught, would be detected.
But if you're obviously not going to do signature verification, I mean the really sad thing is that all of this corruption, all of this negligence, all of this mismanagement is done by Republicans, or at least under Republican leadership.
Under Secretary of State Raffensperger, under the Governor Brian Kemp, and then what's even more scandalous is that those guys then appear after the election and go, everything was kosher.
We did, basically we got it right.
No, there might have been a glitch or two here or there, but nothing that could possibly affect the outcome.
When it's very obvious, listening to a witness like Mark Wingate, that these numbers are Not only can, but probably did change the overall outcome.
So it's not that there isn't evidence of negligence, evidence of fraud.
It's just that the evidence is often not given the weight it deserves.
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Guys, I'm delighted to welcome to the podcast a new guest, Brian Harrison.
He is a Texas State Representative for House District 10.
He also, before joining the Texas House, he was President Trump's Chief of Staff at the Department of Health and Human Services.
I invited Brian to come on because I want to talk about the kind of dysfunctional state of of the legislature in Texas, particularly the Texas House.
We've heard a lot about Democrats being appointed to head committees, Democrats controlling the agenda.
How is this possible in a red state like Texas?
By the way, you can follow Brian Harrison on x at Brian E. Harrison.
Brian, welcome. Thanks for joining me.
I had the pleasure of meeting you Well, pretty recently when I spoke at the Denton County GOP, and that was a terrific event.
And I want you to help clarify how we got to this peculiar state in Texas.
Where it seems that the conservatives have been shut out.
It seems that Democrats are running committees and in some case running the show.
And I know there's an effort in this election to reverse some of that, but let's begin by talking about how it is possible that we got here.
What happened in Texas to create this peculiar situation?
Well, first of all, Dennis, thanks for having me.
It's such an important topic, and it's one that I was unaware of.
I had heard that this dynamic existed in the Texas House for a lot of years, but I had no idea the degree to which that was true.
As you mentioned, I was honored to be asked by the Trump White House to come and serve in his administration and had done the same thing for President Bush.
So I had done two tours of duty in the ultimate swamp in D.C. and had done battle against The coalition that fought us tooth and nail on everything we did to try and defend liberty and protect our country, the liberal media, the Democrat Party, and establishment Republicans.
When I got elected to the Texas legislature after the Trump administration, I just sort of assumed that every elected Republican in Texas was willing to fight the left as hard as we had been in the Trump administration, elected Republicans in a bright red state like Texas.
And I, Dinesh, was absolutely shocked at what I learned when I got elected.
I mean, the Democrats literally run the Republican-dominated Texas House of Representatives.
And when I talk about this, not just in Texas but across the country, people have a hard time getting their minds around this.
It goes back almost two decades.
there was a very liberal Republican who realized that if he could just convince all the Democrats to vote for him, he only needed 10 or 11 Republicans to become the speaker.
That happened, like I said, 18, 19 years ago.
And every speaker since then has sort of followed this model.
And so what happens is we have a handful of Republicans that team up with the Democrat caucus to elect our speaker.
People are shocked to learn that just about every single Democrat in our speaker elections that happen every January or every other January, almost every single Democrat votes for our speaker.
There are deals that are cut, liberal progressive items they want that he commits to doing formally or informally.
And he will stop conservative Republican priorities from happening.
And the way you see this manifest itself is just shocking.
He rewards them with powerful committee chairmanships.
I thought maybe it was one or two committees on the margin.
No, no, it's many committees.
When I got elected, I think the Democrats controlled about 40% of our committees, including public education, business, industry, natural resources, transportation, corrections.
Get this, Dinesh.
While the Democrats are pursuing this lawfare against President Trump and countless other Republicans across the country for just exercising their First Amendment rights, for being bold conservatives, they're throwing them in jail.
In the state of Texas, all crime law runs through a Democrat.
This will shock you even more.
The most powerful person in the Texas House, the guy that Dave Phelan, our liberal speaker, hired to be our parliamentarian, is quite literally a Democrat Party activist, and get this, a former Barack Obama White House attorney.
So it would be as if when President Trump gets reelected, if he hires Merrick Garland to be White House counsel.
That's the dynamic we're dealing with in the Texas House.
Democrats advance their agenda and bold conservatives are silenced, and in some instances being banned from even speaking on the House floor.
It's completely shocking and out of control.
And the parliamentarian, the Democrat, is a powerful guy, right?
Doesn't he control the rules and the way that the rules are administered and the way that the rules are interpreted?
He can single-handedly determine if a conservative bill even makes it to the floor.
He can single-handedly decide whether a progressive amendment can proceed through the process.
I would argue because of the amount of power the Speaker has delegated to the parliamentarian, he is the single most powerful person currently.
In the Texas House. And so it is true, as you and I speak, the Texas House is being controlled by a far-left radical Barack Obama White House staffer.
Unbelievable and very disturbing, but in some ways not surprising.
This Republican dysfunctionality, I think, is replicated in other parts of the country.
I recently saw a podcast interview with a guy named Dennis Bonin.
You know exactly who he is.
He's the former speaker.
He's before Phelan. And he made four points that I want to highlight and have you respond to, because I think he...
Beautifully laid out the rationale for speakers acting in the Dade Phelan mode.
Apparently he was the same, and as you mentioned.
So the first point he makes, and you've just confirmed it, there's a long tradition, he says, of doing things this way in Texas.
And he's clearly right to a degree, at least in terms of a couple of decades.
The second thing he said was, we've got a way of doing things that's a lot better than what's going on in D.C. He goes, there's a lot of stalemate in D.C. Nothing gets done.
We, quote, get things done here in Texas because we're able to, reasonable people are able to work together.
The third point he made, which I found really interesting, and this was a sort of a confession, he goes, we mobilize the center against the extremes.
And what he meant by this is that there's a liberal extreme and there's a conservative extreme.
What we do is we get the Democrats who are left of center but not far left to team up with the Republicans who are right of center but not far right, and we cut out the far right and the far left.
In a sense, he was explaining how conservatives are getting disenfranchised in the Texas House.
And the final point he made, which to me was the most startling of all, he said basically that elected representatives in Texas need to realize that campaigning is one thing and governing is another.
In other words, go ahead and say whatever nonsense you want to your voters to get elected.
But once you're elected and get here, you now get valuable information that comes from hearings and testimony.
So you quickly realize that your job of governing is completely different than your job of campaigning.
So, I mean, isn't this just a kind of a classic portrait of Of a way in which a kind of a token Republican, so to speak, is usurping power and screwing over the voters.
I don't know how else to put it.
Yeah, I saw that. I almost wondered if he forgot that he was on television, because usually they don't say the quiet part out loud quite so clearly the way that former disgraced speaker Dennis Bonnet did.
He's exactly, sadly, he's exactly right on so many counts.
I can tell you, as one of the few bold ideological movement conservatives in the Texas House, we are completely silenced.
I mean, quite literally, there was one of my colleagues, a conservative, who was banned from even speaking.
You have Far more power if you're an average member of the Democrat caucus in the Texas House than you do if you're a movement conservative who wants to protect liberty and fight against Joe Biden's federal overreach.
On this whole, we don't want to be like D.C. nonsense, this is one of their favorite examples.
They say, we're Texas, we're not like D.C. And if you don't think about it, that sounds great, right?
Because Texas is awesome and D.C. is terrible, right?
But nobody, when they say, hey, we want Texas to not be like D.C., they don't mean we want to emulate the worst parts of D.C., but even more liberal, right?
When people talk about we want to remain Texas, we're talking about the values that made Texas great, the principles that made our state and our country great, limited government, secure borders, individual freedom, liberty.
People, you know, self-reliance on your family, your community, your churches, not depending on government for everything.
That's what they mean when they say we don't want Texas to be like D.C. And I'll tell you, as somebody who has done battle against the D.C. swamp for years, there is nothing swampier than what these clowns are doing that run the Texas House.
There's nothing more dishonest and swampy than saying to your voters...
Vote for me and I will fight for conservative values once elected.
And then once they get elected, collude with the Democrats and work with them to destroy liberty.
And that's exactly what we have happen.
I'll give you just one example on school choice.
After COVID, parents' eyes have been opened like never before.
There's a tidal wave of school choice sweeping the nation.
Over 30 states have passed school choice to let parents decide where their individual children will be best served to go to school.
Well, in Texas, Under our failed liberal leadership team, not only did we not pass school choice, the Texas Senate did.
Our governor, Governor Abbott, wants to pass it.
The Senate passed it. The Texas House passed a budget that Dade Phelan's liberal team supported that slipped in an amendment that made school choice illegal.
It actually, we passed a budget off the House floor that made school choice illegal.
That's how far the left have gone on election integrity.
The Texas Senate passed a common sense amendment to our constitution to say, you should have to be a US citizen to vote in an election in the state of Texas.
Dave Phelan and his failed liberal leadership team, including six of his hand picked chairman, committee chairman, refused to support that common sense amendment, that only US citizens should be able to vote in elections.
This is the problem. And Dinesh, as you know as well as anybody, the left will stop at absolutely nothing.
They know our nation's at a crossroads, our state's at a crossroads.
There's nothing they won't do to win the battle for the future.
But we have too many Republicans in Washington and in state legislatures that want to be popular.
When you're an elected official or any kind of powerful government position, you have to make a choice.
Do I fight boldly for my constituents or do I want to be popular in the swamp?
It's a choice you have to make.
It's binary. They're mutually exclusive.
And too many Republicans are willing to sell out the future to be liked by the Democrats and the press.
And the Democrats don't play like that.
They stop at absolutely nothing to win the battle for the future.
And Republicans need to start behaving more like that.
Brian, you gave in a recent post that you did on social media kind of a classic example of the way in which the leadership of the Republican Party in the House blocks measures to restrict DEI, diversity, equity, and inclusion.
Talk a little bit, just give us a brief account of how this kind of stuff kind of works because it looks like the Texas Senate passed a really good bill and then the House takes it up and what happens?
It's a great story because it happens very emblematic of what happens every day in the Republican but really Democrat-controlled Texas House.
The Texas Senate will pass a bowl of conservative bills.
You and I would think it's common sense.
Hey, when people are having their money, their hard-earned money taken from them in a confiscatory way for taxes, they're supposed to go to education.
Maybe let's not have that money used to promote, you know, Marxism and social leftist far-left liberal ideology, right?
This is common sense to people like you and me and to my 200,000 constituents.
So the Senate passed a ban on that and said, hey, education dollars and higher education Only for education, not for DEI. Well, what happened in the Texas House is what happens all the time.
Our liberal speaker sends it to one of his committees.
This one was chaired by a Republican, but a Republican, if you know what I mean, who worked with the Democrats to gut the bill completely.
Basically, DEI was going to be allowed to continue, but we would pass a bill that was in the title that would call itself a DEI ban.
Well, a colleague of mine, Representative Matt Schaefer, filed an amendment to put the guts of the bill back into it.
And on the floor of the House, he went to the front mic, I went to the back mic, and we had to expose on the cameras for all of our colleagues to see that if we don't amend this bill that our liberal speakers team had gutted, every one of them, when they go home to their constituents and said, we banned DEI on college campuses— Would be lying because that's what they want.
They want to be able to go tell their constituents they did something conservative while actually having done something very liberal.
Well, we were rushed. I mean, the front mic, the back mic, we were dragged into the back hallway, pressured to drop our amendments, and we stood strong and said, no, we're not going to lie to our constituents.
We should ban DEI. So we finally get an agreement to put most of the guts back in.
We dragged in the Senate author.
He came over and helped. But what they did then, we go back to the floor thinking we're done.
Well, they spend the next four hours negotiating with who?
The Democrat caucus.
And guess what, Dinesh? We don't need one single Democrat to vote for this bill.
We have a 25-vote majority in the Texas House.
Democrats couldn't pass a birthday resolution if Republicans don't help them.
So they negotiate with the Democrats, and at the last second, while our speaker, by the way, many of your viewers may have seen a video of our speaker very drunk, literally drunk, barely able to stand on the dais, and they've seen the video and they laugh about it, but it's much more of a scandal if you know what's happening.
In that video, he says Representative Kimball brings an amendment.
Well, what that amendment does, that was a Democrat-written amendment.
That our Republican speaker and his Republican chairman offered up under his name that created lifetime protections for DEI staff.
Basically saying, if you've ever been a DEI employee at a university, we're taking care of you.
We will never, ever fire you.
We're going to pay you forever.
He slapped that on. He was so drunk and said, Representative Kimball brings an amendment.
It's acceptable to the author.
Boom. And puts it on.
And so the House version of the bill passes, creating a new protected class of public sector employees for DEI staff.
This kind of thing happens a hundred or more times a session.
They blocked us on banning COVID vaccine mandates.
They blocked us from banning taxpayer-funded lobbying.
They blocked us for setting aside future amount of money to lower property taxes.
This are the things that are happening in a Republican-dominated legislature.
And I hope that your viewers across the country understand.
You may not know it, but this type of thing is probably happening in your state legislatures as well.
And you got examples of the federal level when you and I could be here till tomorrow talking about where, you know, Senates and Republicans work so hard on foreign aid funding to secure other borders when our border down here in Texas is not secure.
That's an issue particularly passionate to me.
And that's another great example, by the way.
The Texas House leadership killed the bold bill That would have created a border protection unit in the state of Texas.
Dave Phelan himself went to the microphone, colluded with his Democrat parliamentarian, and sustained a Democrat objection.
Didn't even let us debate, Dinesh, a bold bill to create a border protection unit in the state of Texas.
I mean, Brian, this is so maddening.
I don't even know what to say.
I mean, I'm sort of sputtering here with just outrage at what you're saying.
Now, it does seem that, in a strange way, the attempt at impeaching the Attorney General Ken Paxton...
It highlighted this problem in the Texas House and generated, I mean, it probably overall was a very unfortunate thing to happen, but nevertheless it had the benefit of illuminating the dysfunction in the Texas House.
There appears to be a greater awareness of this in the state of Texas.
I know Dade Phelan is now in a tough race.
He was running as an incumbent, but he didn't win outright, so now there's a runoff coming up.
Talk a little bit about whether you're hopeful.
How do things look in terms of fixing this problem in the upcoming election?
So people like me, Governor Abbott, Senator Cruz, Attorney General Ken Paxson, and President Trump have been campaigning across the state trying to raise awareness of this problem and do something that's almost totally unprecedented, launch a full-scale effort to oust Entrenched liberal Republican incumbents.
As you know, Dinesh, it's very hard to ever beat an incumbent.
They win like 95% of the time.
Well, in the last primaries, I went around the state campaigning against my colleagues for their more conservative challengers, like I said, along with Ted Cruz and others.
And we were successful in knocking off outright nine incumbents.
I think there's eight or nine more going to runoffs.
Our sitting speaker, the sitting speaker of the House, not only was forced into a runoff, he came in second place.
President Trump is helping us to defeat him down there.
I am very optimistic he's going to lose.
And by the way, he didn't lose without having all the resources.
I think his team spent between five and seven million dollars to defend him in his own state house seat.
So our sitting speaker might not even have a seat in the house next session.
I hope he lose. He needs to lose.
I called on him to step down the minute that the Texas Senate repudiated the sham impeachment of Attorney General Ken Paxton.
And I'm glad you brought that up.
That alone, Dinesh, I think was a scam, a sham that may have tarnished the reputation of the Texas House, perhaps irreparably.
I was on the floor. It was a Thursday night.
I didn't even know that they were contemplating an impeachment for our Attorney General.
They had set up a, get this, a secret investigation.
They had been working in the dark, unbeknownst to even elected members of the House.
They were investigating our Attorney General with an eye towards impeachment.
They came by my desk on the floor of the House late on a Thursday night.
They just dropped 20 articles of impeachment with no supporting documentation, except for one transcript of one hearing.
And then we were told we're going to vote on this at some time really soon.
We didn't know when. I went to the microphones and asked the speaker, are we going to be allowed to see evidence?
I don't know. If we're allowed to see evidence, how long are we going to have to consider?
I don't know. How are we going to vote?
Are we voting as a slate on 20?
Are we voting up and down on each charge?
I have no idea. And then, Dinesh, if my math is right, It was about 39 hours later.
We were forced to come in on a Saturday morning and vote to overturn an election of a recently re-elected Attorney General.
We were never once given anything that approximated new or sufficient evidence.
We never heard from witnesses.
No witnesses that even talked to the staff contract Democrat partisan hack attorneys that Phelan's team had hired were put under oath.
There was not one admission We're good to go.
There were 59, I think, Democrats and 60 or 61 Republicans.
So more Republicans voted to overturn an election, impeach the most effective Attorney General, Ken Paxson, in the state of Texas, who was doing what my constituents, what I expected him to do, be the tip of the spear, fighting back against the unconstitutional tyranny of the Biden administration on a daily basis.
And with no evidence, no due process, third world country, Kangaroo courts have more due process than this.
They voted to impeach him.
And let me tell you this, if Dade Feeling could get 60 Republicans to go along and support a sham impeachment, he should have no trouble passing every conservative and pro-liberty priority that the citizens of the state of Texas demand.
And that's how I know he was intentional with the Democrats in sabotaging Democrats.
There were only eight legislative priorities that the Republican Party asked us to pass this last session, only eight.
They said no, passed two of them.
But what people will be shocked to learn, they prioritized and put over 500 Democrat bills on the floor of the Texas House.
Can you imagine if Mike Johnson put over 500 Democrat bills on the floor of the Congress or let Nancy Pelosi or AOC chair committees or had Merrick Garland come work for him as his parliamentarian?
That is the nightmare that Republicans in the state of Texas are being subjected to.
And it's not at the hands of Democrats.
It's at the hands of people who campaign as Republicans, pledging they're going to fight for freedom and for liberty, but they're selling out the next generation.
Because they want to be popular Democrats.
They want glowing spreads of them in national media outlets.
And I'm outraged. We're losing our state.
We're losing our country. We've got to do more as Republicans to take a stand, even if it makes us unpopular, even if it costs us politically, and do the right thing for the next generation, or we're going to lose our state.
I mean, Brian, this is just so eye-opening, and I knew the situation was bad, but as you've outlined it, it is actually much worse than I thought.
Guys, I've been talking to Brian Harrison, Texas State Representative for House District 10.
Follow him on x at Brian E. Harrison.
Hey, Brian, thanks so much for joining me.
Hey, always great to be with you, Dinesh.
Thank you for having me.
The right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.
This is a line out of the Dred Scott decision passed by Democratic nominees to the Supreme Court led by one Roger Taney, T-A-N-E-Y, Taney.
And this is, I think, more than anything else, the decision, the event that propelled the country towards civil war.
Because from the point of view of the North and on the Republican Party, there was no way to go along with this.
In other words, there was a radicalization of the slavery debate.
Previously the country had been held together by compromises.
The Missouri Compromise of the early 1820s, then the Compromise of 1850.
But you can see what's happening here as compromises breaking down.
And here is Roger Taney saying something.
And as I mentioned before, Taney is not claiming to speak for himself.
He says, I'm speaking for the founders.
I'm not giving you my view.
He goes, in fact, a judge shouldn't give you a judge's own view.
A judge should give you the view of the people who wrote the Constitution.
And so you find Tawny saying, putting in the mouth of the founders the view that the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.
This kind of reminds me a little bit of the Roe versus Wade decision because the first question I have when I hear this is, where?
Where in the Constitution is the right of property and a slave, quote, distinctly and expressly affirmed?
In fact, you'll be hard-pressed to go through the Constitution and find even the word slave.
So, where is Taney even getting this?
The truth of the matter is that the founders believed that slavery was, A, a bad thing, and B, it was on its way out, that slavery was on a path to extinction.
And the founders believed that this was going to happen over time, and they also believed that it's best to leave it alone in the South and let this process go.
Of the dissolution, of the extinction of slavery continue.
Now, the founders, in a way, did not anticipate the cotton gin and the revival of the plantation culture of the South, and so the founders turned out to be wrong, but for a reason that they could not have predicted.
Nevertheless, the Founders dealt with slavery in the Constitution essentially by giving it no attention, by giving it no dignity, by not mentioning it, by not referring it.
Sometimes it uses euphemisms like persons that are held under, I don't even think they use the word captivity, but something to that effect.
So there is an allusion to slavery, but slavery is not distinctly and expressly affirmed.
Now, Taney basically reasoned as follows, and his reasoning is itself very interesting, and I think completely wrong.
He goes, the founders said in the Declaration of Independence that they were against slavery.
All men are created equal. But, says Taney, they could not have believed it, because there was slavery, and they let it continue.
And second, because some of them, not all of them, but some of them, Jefferson included, had slaves.
Now, this contradiction, or this hypocrisy, if you will, is not hypocrisy at all.
And I want to say why that is the case.
If you come into a situation where, let's say, for example, you or I are now appointed to be head of a group or head of a country or head of any kind of club, and we realize that there is a practice, a long-standing practice.
In the case of America, the practice of slavery had been going on for 150 years under British rule.
So you find that the club has an acknowledged, long-standing practice, and you realize that it's going to be impossible in the short term to root it out.
And so you say, alright, I don't like this practice, but I see that it is receding, it is lessening, and so what I'm going to do is create a situation, create a constitution that gives no recognition to this practice, but allows it to abate, allows it to dissolve, allows it to go away.
Does that mean that you are somehow being a massive hypocrite and that all your declamations, all your rhetoric, all your fulminations against the practice are somehow invalidated by the fact that you allowed it to continue?
No! You're simply recognizing that it's one thing to state a vision, a goal, an ideal, a destination, and another one to recognize we're not there yet.
We have to get there, but it's going to take time for us to get from here to there.
Jefferson himself realized that slavery was a problem.
He realized slavery was unjust.
But he also realized, I've got a plantation.
We've got these slaves.
We've brought these people over from Africa.
They're on the plantation.
It's not easy just to make them free and let them go.
Where will they go? Where will they go in Virginia if I let them go?
How would they live? So Jefferson, I think at one point he used the phrase, we have a wolf by the ears or by the tail.
By the ears or by the tail.
We have a wolf by the tail.
And he says it is not safe to hold him.
Very dangerous. The wolf is a problem.
But it's also not safe to let him go.
And this position of Jefferson was also held by Lincoln.
In other words, Lincoln was large-minded enough, capacious enough to realize that, look...
Even as we denounce slavery, and Lincoln was second to none in the clarity, the kind of moral fervor, the insight with which he exposed, attacked, and denounced slavery.
But Lincoln said, listen, we shouldn't be self-righteous about it, think that we in the North are better than the people in the South.
We shouldn't think that because we are morally superior to them— Lincoln said, we should understand how they got slavery.
We should understand why they have it now.
There are understandable motives for how this started, how it got going, and even how the founders, quote, made peace with it.
The founders made peace with it, recognizing it to be, and this is the key phrase, a necessary evil.
But for Lincoln, a necessary evil is still an evil.
And so the heart of the debate between Lincoln and Douglass is Lincoln says, you, Douglass, are no longer treating slavery as an evil at all.
I'm not saying that you're making it a positive good, but you're making it a matter of moral indifference.
And that, says Lincoln, makes all the difference.
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