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Nov. 27, 2023 - Dinesh D'Souza
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PROPAGANDA PLAYBOOK Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep714
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Coming up, I'll reveal how police state propaganda works to erase both the past and the present.
I'll make the case that Derek Chauvin is a victim of media-driven show trial, now followed by his serious wounding in prison.
Brandon Gill, my son-in-law, publisher of the D.C. Inquirer, joins me.
He's going to talk about his newly announced run for Congress, and I'll reflect on the significance of the election victories of Javier Millet and Geert Wilders.
Hey, if you're watching on Rumble or listening on Apple, Google, or Spotify, please subscribe to my channel.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Show.
The times are crazy.
In a time of confusion, division, and lies, we need a brave voice of reason, understanding, and truth.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
Guys, I hope you had a terrific Thanksgiving, Thanksgiving weekend.
Debbie and I certainly did.
This was a Thanksgiving where it was just the two of us.
Danielle, my daughter, and Brandon were over at the in-laws, the ranch in Abilene.
And then my stepson, Justin, and Juliana, my stepdaughter, were with their dad.
So it was just Debbie and me, and we decided to kind of go wild.
And by wild, I mean...
We decided to do the anti-Thanksgiving and eat Indian food.
Now, this was not like an ideological statement against Thanksgiving.
We're not against the pilgrims or the Indians.
Well, I'll put it differently.
I guess now that I think about it, we had a philosophical motive, which was we thought about what would have happened if Columbus had gotten to his original destination, India.
Probably Thanksgiving would have involved Indian food.
So, we were kind of trying to convey a historical philosophical hint.
Now, I can't say it really landed on anybody.
At least until now, probably no one even thought of it, including me.
So, nevertheless, it was a really fun time.
But we're back in the saddle and things are, boy, a couple of things I wanted to highlight that I picked up just over the last couple of days.
And I think putting them together is where I want to go with this.
You know, two of the signature hallmarks of police states are propaganda and indoctrination.
Now, what do we mean by propaganda?
What we mean by propaganda is providing a distorted lens on things.
A lens distorted by socialist ideology.
Socialist ideology is almost like the refracting lens through which you see things.
You omit things that are inconvenient to it and you include things that may not even be true.
But they nevertheless fit the ideology.
This is the kind of almost working definition of propaganda.
It is not entirely lies because some of propaganda is true, but it's lies mixed with truth in such a way that the overall picture is false.
Indoctrination is essentially the repetitive use of propaganda to sort of drive it into the minds of people, including, of course, young people through education.
Well, I see the two things I want to highlight.
One, in New York, Debbie actually pointed this out to me, they have taken down the name of Thomas Jefferson.
Was it a school? Was it a monument?
No. A museum.
And by the way, this is by itself telling because when they started doing this to Confederate statues in the aftermath of George Floyd, there were people who warned, hey listen, it's not going to stop here.
Trump in fact warned. He said it's going to lead to George Washington.
It's going to lead to Thomas Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton.
And the left was like, no, don't be ridiculous.
We're talking here about the Confederacy.
We're talking about traitors to America.
Now, Nevertheless, this is exactly the direction it's gone.
And I think this is where the left always wanted it to go.
For the left, it's generally you open a door, and then if you notice that no one is pushing back to shut the door, you go right through it, and then you kick in the next door.
And so you have here a campaign, which if you allow it to continue, by the way, if we offer no resistance, you're going to basically find much of America's past erased.
Now again, they won't erase all of our past, but our past will basically be nothing more than a series of leftist incidents designed to overcome our past.
And so, for example, a slave revolt is going to be emphasized, and oh yeah, there were union riots that occurred in the 1920s, and the Great Depression illustrated the failure of capitalism.
So you get this kind of Twisted history of America in which the achievements of Americans are all downplayed.
In fact, if you look at the history of America, it looks like all that white people did was visit crimes and atrocities on other people.
And then you step back and go, wait, is this really true?
I mean, let's think of all the great inventions that have made the modern world.
How many of those were done by whites?
Like, what's the proportion of white people that invented all the stuff that's made our lives better?
Pause. Think about it.
So, my point is, this is the way in which ideology takes all the stuff that they don't want to talk about and, like, puts it into the trash heap.
At the same time, progressism is not only trying to alter the past.
They're also trying to alter the present.
And how do they do this?
Censorship. So I see from Jonathan Turley and others that the Biden regime is now working with social media companies in order to regulate the way that they control dissemination of information on the economy.
So, for example, there are people who say things like, you know, when Biden says, I've brought inflation down dramatically, and people go, that's not really true.
The Biden people are essentially fighting with the social media companies and saying, you know, look, you've got to use our data, you've got to use our spin, and anybody who takes an arrival point of view should be banned, should be restricted, should be shadow banned, should be deplatformed.
So, think of this.
We're not just talking here about so-called taboo topics like election fraud.
We're now talking about legitimate debates about the economy, and they're trying to shut one side down by saying, our view is the truth, and since you're ideologically aligned with us, if we can get you to agree that it's the truth, then basically you and we can shut down everybody who says something else by saying, that's false, that's misinformation, that's disinformation.
So this is straight out of Orwell.
Orwell recognized that ultimately, socialism and progressivism oppose the past and the present in the name of the future.
Remember, the future is something that doesn't exist.
But the left hopes to control the future by, well, Obama used the phrase, remaking society, remaking America.
And in order to remake something...
The America that has existed, the America that exists now, has to go.
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I want to talk about Derek Chauvin.
There are two important things to note about Chauvin.
One, of course, is that, and probably many of you know this, the guy was just stabbed in prison.
Now, why was he stabbed in prison?
Well, because, and actually, Debbie and I talked about this when he was first convicted.
Debbie's like, this guy, they're putting his life in danger because you have a cop and And you have a cop who's accused of murdering a black man, and you're not putting him in prison.
Prison, by the way, is very racially divided.
It's sort of the black gangs, the white gangs, the Mexican gangs.
And so it would seem to be a necessity to protect Derek Chauvin that he would be isolated from the general population.
But guess what? We find out that he wasn't.
He wasn't the general population.
I think prison officials really kind of knew.
And they thought it was an acceptable...
I'm not saying they wanted it to happen.
I'm saying it was sort of a risk they were willing to take.
They don't really care about Derek Chauvin.
They're like, maybe there's a little bit of a he-had-it-coming type of attitude.
And anyway, he's apparently out of danger in terms of his life.
It was a serious incident, by the way, but he's going to make it.
I thought very callously.
They didn't tell his family.
They didn't tell his lawyer.
His lawyer had actually been calling the prison to find out when he heard about it in the media.
He's like, give me details, and they refused to communicate with him.
So this guy has now become, well, he's become sort of the face of a society that's decided he is the face of evil in the 21st century, Derek Chauvin.
And yet, as we go back and we look at the trial, and we look with a little bit of objectivity and a little bit of distance, we see that Derek Chauvin did not kill George Floyd.
Now, I don't think Derek Chauvin—I don't see him as a good guy.
I did watch the video where he's putting his—he's restraining Floyd, and I know it's— It is apparently a technique that is taught in the police academy that in certain circumstances, you are permitted to use this kind of technique.
Now, all of this was, by the way, distorted at the trial.
They all acted like, oh, this technique?
Oh, no, no, it's never used.
Oh, no, we're never taught it.
So you have, again, outright lying designed to get this guy.
It's almost like the police department decided, we're going to wash our hands off Derek Chauvin.
We're even going to wash our hands to a degree...
We'll make sure they get convicted too.
And they get serious sentences.
Even though, really, they were not the ones who did anything.
But nevertheless, my point about Shobhan was when I saw the video, I was like, yeah, that doesn't look good.
I mean, it looks to me like this is excessive.
But again, when I say that, it looks to me, I'm talking about an impression of a video from a distance.
I'm not talking about somebody who's on the scene, who knows what's actually going on.
So, whenever we make judgments, we're always going to take account of the limitations of our knowledge that go into those judgments.
So, you make those judgments tentatively.
Like, this is my impression based upon this video.
Now, I haven't seen the video from other angles.
I don't know all the circumstances, but that's what a trial is for.
And I think the sad news is that even though the medical examiner fully knew that George Floyd died because his body was just loaded with drugs, and that's what caused his death.
Whatever Chauvin did, and I'm not saying maybe Chauvin did use excessive force, but that's not what killed George Floyd.
And that simple...
Crushing fact was buried during the trial, and it almost looks like, and we see this in January 6th cases, you've got a judge, you've got a jury, you've got a prosecutor.
People kind of know what's going on.
I even saw an interview with one of the jurors after the George Floyd trial.
Saying something to the effect that she was concerned about things like her safety.
She was concerned about the effect of the verdict on the community.
These are not supposed to be factors that go into the determination of guilt or innocence.
And so here you've got, and it's a shocking thing to say about America.
Remember, we're all raised on the civics book, better that 10 guilty men go free than one innocent man goes to prison.
It may be that from a kind of Overall moral point of view, Derek Chauvin is not an innocent man, but he is innocent of this particular crime.
He did not murder George Floyd.
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Guys, I'd like to welcome to the podcast a familiar face, somebody you'll recognize right away.
In fact, someone who substituted for me hosting the podcast, my son-in-law, Brandon Gill.
And we're going to talk about Brandon's decision to run for Congress in Texas Congressional District 26.
This is an open seat.
Michael Burgess, who had the seat, decided not to run.
And so there's a bunch of people that jumped into the race, including Brandon Gill.
Brandon's website is brandongillforcongress.com.
So that's a place you can go to find out more.
He's also the founder of the DC Inquirer and the publisher of that publication.
Brandon, great to have you.
It's kind of funny. I'm going to be interviewing you this time.
And in fact, just as you were logging on, Danielle, my daughter, your wife, shot us a photo of Little Marigold, the latest one.
And we were both kind of gagaing over it because it's the first photo that we've seen where she's kind of surrounded with toys and So, I guess having crossed the four months, she's now in that, what do you call it, the second quarter where the world around her becomes more focused.
But yeah, we demand a daily diet of photos and videos.
We're happy to give that.
Thanks for having me on.
Yeah, Marigold, she's getting to the age now where she can roll over, but she can only roll over to one side.
So she always does that every time we lay her on her back.
And now she's getting to where she wants to play with toys.
So we got her in that little ring thing that has all kinds of little contraptions that make noise and that she can hit and spin and play with.
So she's having a lot of fun.
It's really cute.
Well, Brandon, talk about this.
It's a momentous year for you because not only do you become a dad with the cutest kid this side of the Nile, but you also make this big decision, which is to jump into a congressional race.
I mean, you're a young guy, not even 30 years old, and you're going to go for it and go for it in a serious way.
I think you have a really good chance to win the seat.
Talk to people about your background and what led you to this decision to put your hat in the ring.
Sure, and I appreciate that.
I'm running because we've got to get some new people in Washington.
We've got to get people who are actually willing to stand up to Joe Biden and to the Washington establishment.
We've seen there are a lot of Republicans who aren't willing to do that and who kind of put up nominal, really just controlled opposition.
And the people of North Texas in my district do not want that.
They want a strong conservative who wants to seal the border, who wants to stop the lefts, Absolutely reckless fiscal spending, who wants to promote law and order and back the blue, and who wants to unleash our domestic energy industry.
So we need somebody who actually represents those people as opposed to going to Washington and kind of getting in with the swamp and enjoying the good cocktail parties and the good wine and enjoying the company of lobbyists.
We need somebody who's actually going to fight for the people of North Texas.
And you mentioned Maribold and One of the problems with the direction the country is going now, particularly on the fiscal side, is it's really fun to spend a whole lot of money whenever you know that future generations are going to have to pick up a tab.
So it's not just me.
It's not just Danielle. It's Marigold, who's going to be 30 years from now bearing the brunt of the kind of unrestricted fiscal spending that we've seen over the past 20 years in Washington.
and I'm gonna do everything I can to stop that.
What do you think happens to these Republicans?
Do you think that they get elected in red or reddish districts and that when they go to Washington, they encounter this world of lobbyists that is in a way in a better position to funnel money into their future campaigns than maybe some guy in the district who gives $100 or even $500.
And so in a sense, what happens is they start out representing us and they end up representing someone else.
Right, right. There seems to be a couple things.
You know, I think there are some people who start in their districts and they start with kind of an idealistic worldview and they're ready to go fight in Washington.
And they just kind of get swept up in that.
You know, you go to dinners and lobbyists give you the best food and the best wine you've ever had in your whole life.
They coddle you. They help protect you.
I mean, politics is a nasty business.
And if you've got a bunch of very well-funded lobbyists who are going to protect you, that may be appealing to a lot of people.
I think it's important.
I mean, it's depraved that that's the way that our system actually governs.
But that seems to be the case.
And then there seem to be some people who just go there and are sort of convinced by these lobbyists, by the D.C. establishment that maybe Maybe the people back in their districts are wrong and maybe Washington is actually running smoothly.
But regardless of why they're doing it, I agree.
There is this trend of even conservative districts sending fairly moderate candidates to Washington.
I think they're able to get funding somehow.
Maybe the donor class is really...
Really in favor of that, but it does not represent the people of red districts, people like mine in North Texas.
And I absolutely will not do that.
We're not going to back down to the left.
We're not going to back down to the establishment.
We'll be right back with Brandon Gill, the website brandongillforcongress.com.
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I'm back with Brandon Gill, a candidate for Texas Congressional District 26.
This is the district Michael Burgess was the congressman as he decided not to run.
Brandon, talk a little bit about your background because I think it's a pretty unique background.
You talked about the kind of lure of DC and it seems to me that sometimes you've got Republicans who sort of say, you know, they have a log cabin background and so on and they're like, I grew up really poor and as a result some of those people then are starstruck when they go to DC.
And then you've got very wealthy Republicans who sort of are, you know, in some sense born with the silver spoon in their mouth.
But those guys have a different kind of problem, which is they tend to be insulated from the concerns of ordinary people.
You've had a pretty unique background.
Talk about that. Sure.
Well, I grew up in West Texas on a cattle ranch.
It's a thousand acre cattle ranch.
We ran Angus and Brangus beef cows.
So I spent my summers growing up baling hay, pounding T-posts into the ground, plowing fields, driving backhoes.
I mean, everything that you would do on a cattle ranch, any kind of ranch hand work.
So I know this intimately because I spent so many hours of my life doing this.
And I spent so much time with the people, with the working class people of West Texas.
I mean, I graduated from a high school, a 1A high school in Texas with 24 other students, a public school.
So this is who I am and where I'm from and the people that I want to represent.
Now, I ended up going to Dartmouth, you're right.
I went to Dartmouth, which is an Ivy League school, the same school you went to up in New Hampshire.
Very, at least on the surface, elite.
And I spent four years at Dartmouth fighting the left.
I was the head of a Christian organization there, which we grew to be one of the largest student organizations on campus. And if you know anything about Dartmouth, you know that's a very spiritually dark place. So to have a large Christian organization there is pretty unusual.
I was also the president of the Dartmouth Review there, which you were also involved with whenever you were at Dartmouth, which was the conservative opposition. So I like to think that I went into to Dartmouth looking to sort of challenge my views.
I ended up leaving Dartmouth more conservative than I went in and left it thinking these liberals are nuts.
And those liberals are the ones who end up becoming the sort of liberal establishment ruling class who are running Washington.
So I've been fighting these people ever since, you know, for as long as I can remember.
Now, I left Dartmouth to give a bit more background and worked in finance.
I was an investment banker, and then I was an analyst at a hedge fund in New York for several years.
So I'm very... I've been around the block with these people.
This is the...
High Finance is the liberal establishment of New York, typically.
So I'm very accustomed to speaking their language.
I know how they think and I know how to fight them even on their own turf.
So I ended up leaving Finance and I started a conservative business to do just that.
We started the Boswell Project with the sole goal of helping conservative influencers Not only navigate censorship, but break the social media censorship that the left had created.
I then followed that up by starting DC Inquirer, which is probably the most America-first conservative pro-Trump major news outlet out there.
As you know, President Trump shares our articles several times a week.
And it was so successful, in fact, that three weeks after I started it, We were getting more Facebook engagement than the Washington Post was.
And that's because we figured out, like I said, how to be clever and how to beat the left on their own turf and break through the censorship that they had created.
So listen, I understand the people of Texas.
I am. That is as deep in my veins as it could possibly be.
But I've taken that and I fought the left.
I fought them at Dartmouth.
I fought them on their own turf on social media.
And I've been on the front lines of conservative media for years now.
And I'm ready to take that to Washington.
How do you win a race for an open seat?
In other words, if we're talking politics, and this is something, to be honest, in all my years, I've focused so much on ideas and issues that the mechanics of a campaign are not something I've been close to.
So, you know, you have to raise money.
That's very important because it's the fuel of politics.
you need to have kind of a I assume a kind of a ground game where you send people door-to-door hey you got a vote for Brandon. Talk a little bit just about the organizational you get endorsements I guess from people who can vouch for your credibility. Talk a little bit about how you plan to I mean you're going to be in a primary there'll be a primary in March if there's a runoff there'll be one in May and then of course the general election. Is it fair to say that in this seat that because it is a conservative
district that the real battle is at the primary?
And talk about the mechanics of how you win.
Yeah, that's exactly right.
You kind of laid it out. So for this race, it's a pretty conservative district.
So the real race really is the primary, and that's on March 5th.
Early voting starts a couple weeks before that, but March 5th is really the big day.
Absolutely. So there are a few things that you want if you're trying to run for a seat like this.
One is you need to have somebody vouching for you.
Like you were saying, you need some kind of endorsements or somebody just to say, this person is a good candidate.
I know them. I vouched for them.
And I can let other people know that as well.
So I've already been endorsed by US Rep Troy Nels, who's been on the show in the past.
I know, as well as U.S. Rep Warren Boebert.
The second thing that you need to mechanically to run a race, for better or for worse, you need money.
A lot of people say that one of the things that people are looking for in conservative districts like this is a true conservative candidate, not an establishment candidate, not a right-o, but a true America First candidate who's well-funded, and we are.
I put in $250,000 of my own money right off the bat, and we've done a great job fundraising.
We've come out of the gate very strong.
So we've got that going for us as well.
And the last thing is you need to have a good, what people call, ground game.
So you need to get the backing of local groups, and that's something that we're working on and we've already done.
I've already been endorsed by the Dallas County Young Republicans, which is an Influential, very conservative group in the area, not in our district, but in the area.
And we've got contacts on the ground all over.
So we're going at 100 miles an hour.
It was kind of zero to 100 once we started.
But I think we've got all of the mechanics in place to go pretty, pretty hard in this campaign.
Guys, it'll make a huge difference if you can support Brandon Gill.
This is the way that we push guys who are on our team forward.
These are guys who will not sell us out and do a good job for us.
The website is Brandon Gill for Congress.
It actually shows you ways in which you can contribute, either as a volunteer or as a donor.
Brandon, thank you very much for joining me.
Really appreciate it. Thanks for having me.
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I am really delighted about the success not only of Javier Millet in Argentina, but also of Geert Wilders in the Netherlands.
And both of these were really unexpected, I have to say.
Let's remember that Millet, in the original election, he got about 30%.
And Sergio Massa, the kind of establishment candidate, got like 10 points more, like 40.
So Millet had to win the majority of the remaining votes in order to get himself over the top, and he did decisively.
Amazing. And Argentina, a country which has had a long Peronist and leftist history, a country that, by the way, still has almost a, well, they have a left domination of the parliament.
So now you've got Millet, a right-winger, and by right-winger here we mean a libertarian, but a guy with really a deep understanding of the relationship of citizens to the government.
Tony, you remember the little video we were sharing that's all over social media now, pretty viral.
When Millais is really talking about the fact and because he thinks economically, he says the relationship of a government to the citizens is like the relationship of an economic derivative – that's the term he uses – to the underlying asset.
So a derivative – well, I mean the term itself is revealing – the derivative derives its value from the underlying asset.
And Millais' point is the same with government.
The people and government derive their importance, their power from the people.
So the government depends on the people, not the other way around.
But, says Milley, we are in an upside-down world in which, and here he's referring to the socialist mentality, the government treats the citizens as subjects.
The government controls and owns them.
In a sense, the derivative now claims to be the master of the underlying asset and to treat the underlying asset as disposable.
And Millet is on to this.
And I think this is...
And by the way, I kind of miss American politicians talking in this way.
I don't think we've really heard it since Reagan.
In other words, go back to what government is for.
Go back to what government is supposed to do.
go back to what the sort of demarcations are about the limits of governmental power.
So it's kind of fun to listen to Millet. Debbie, of course, listening in Spanish.
I'm watching the subtitles and picking it up. I've got some working ability to pick up some of it, but only some of it. Debbie's like, I hope by now, says Debbie, you should have been completely fluent. In fact, you should be telling me the meaning of big words in Spanish.
Oh, by the way, it is kind of funny because Debbie gets some kind of on her on her phone.
What is it called? The word of the day?
She gets like some really difficult words on her phone with the meanings attached.
And so we're just having our lattes and stuff.
And she hits me up with like, Dinesh, perambulation, you know, what do you think it means?
I've got to tell her that she checks according to her app and then lets me know if my knowledge of the English language is as vast as I claim.
See? Because I once told him when I was about 14, I tried to memorize the dictionary.
Anyway, enough of that.
And now, alongside Millet, we have Gert Wilders.
And this is another surprise.
say surprise because Wilders was considered so extreme in the Netherlands that even when the center-right party won elections they refused to include him.
They considered him such a kook that he couldn't even be counted in the right.
He was supposedly so far out there and guess what?
This guy's party now gets the most votes.
It's the largest party.
Now while it is possible, maybe even somewhat likely that Gert Wilders will become the prime minister, by the way it's a done deal that Millet will be the president of Argentina, but with Wilders and it's a parliamentary system so by and large you need to have a You need to be able to get a majority of people of your party, and if your party's not big enough, some of the other parties, to all go, yeah, we want Wilders.
But it could be, again, that some of these other parties, including conservative parties, will try to, well, they have to give the Wilders party a prominent place in the parliament, but they might try to spike Wilders himself.
I mean, Wilders is, I was going to say Wilders can sometimes be out of control, but that's also true of Millay.
I mean, these guys are, their rhetoric makes Trump look tame, because they go for it.
I mean, the most recent thing I saw Gert Wilders say is basically, there's a monster in our midst, and the monster's name is Islam.
there's a politician in America who would say that. So the idea that it the only reason I mentioned it is I want to indicate the degree to which a lot of people now in Europe have sort of had it. In other words, these are people who were sold a bill of goods in terms of, oh yeah, you know, our birth rates are declining, you know, we we're and not to mention multiculturalism will be a net plus for our society, a lot of cultural enrichment.
And now they're like, yeah, I see, you know, an Algerian man going around stabbing people.
Is that really the cultural enrichment you had in mind?
Is this the multiculturalism we want more of?
No. So what you see, and you see it in Ireland, and by the way, in Ireland, they're trying to crack down with a new hate speech code, as if to say that the real problem is not the crime rate that the Irish are reacting to.
The real problem is that the Irish people who are reacting in this way are manifesting hate toward, in this case, an Algerian immigrant who went on a kind of stabbing spree.
So... The bigger picture here is, and I mentioned this briefly last week, for the first time, at least in my lifetime, the global left is witnessing a rise of a global right.
It used to be that there was no global right.
There was American conservatives, and you might find a few English guys who thought the same way, but the French right was very different, and certainly in South and Latin America, it's completely different.
But now... We're seeing in Brazil, in Argentina, in Ireland, in the Netherlands, in Australia, and even in places like India, the emergence of a recognizable, nationalist, free market-oriented, anti-world economic forum, the emergence of a global right, which I think is necessary to counter the influence of the global left.
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Ukraine has taken back more than half of its territory seized by Russia's forces since February 2022.
You know, this is such an interesting post that it's like every sentence in it deserves a certain examination.
So, first of all, let's pause here.
We have been told now for almost two years straight that not only is Ukraine winning the war, but Ukraine is going to defeat Russia.
Now... On the face of it, this is laughable.
This is like saying that Lithuania is going to defeat Great Britain or France.
No, Lithuania is too small.
It is a gnat on the back of an elephant.
It can sting the elephant, but it's not going to be able to defeat a country that is many times larger, many times richer with massive resources, and not to mention nuclear weapons at its disposal.
Now what I just said is complicated slightly by the fact that obviously Ukraine isn't fighting alone.
Ukraine has become part of a surrogate war in which the West, including NATO, including the United States, are fighting through Ukraine.
So in that sense, it's not just Ukraine against Russia.
But nevertheless, the idea that Ukraine could beat Russia on the Russian over there, in other words, this is not, this is a fight being conducted on the border itself, that they could do this seemed pretty preposterous.
And now we learn that it is.
Basically, Russia gobbles up a bunch of territory, and Ukraine so far, with massive help, and think of it, the amount of commitment of resources by Germany, by England, by France, by the United States is huge.
And Ukraine has not gotten that territory back.
They've gotten about half of it back.
So let's digest that fact, which is now being admitted by the U.S. mission to NATO. In other words, the war is not going as well as we have been led to believe.
All of this rhetoric we get from the neocons, people like Michael McFaul and others, Russia has its back up against the wall.
Let's just press on a little bit longer.
No, this is not the case.
By a large, Ukraine is recovering a part of the territory it lost.
It's making no incursions into Russia and all the big Ukraine counteroffensive and so on has at least so far come to nothing.
Now, then we get a little bit, whenever a damaging admission is made, you usually get some highfalutin rhetoric.
It's a little bit like if someone comes to you, a friend of yours, and goes, you know, I played in the game, I lost.
The first thing you go, you notice, you lost.
But the second thing you go, well, you played really well, you know, that was a really impressive kick and so on.
Yeah, true, it missed the goal, but your efforts were impressive.
That's what we're going to get next.
In this tough and dynamic battle, Ukraine soldiers are fighting bravely every single day and they continue to inspire the world with their bravery and courage.
This can be all put into the BS category.
It's essentially utterly meaningless.
But the next sentence is very interesting.
We will continue to support them to be in the strongest possible position at the negotiating table when the time comes.
Hmm. It's now U.S. policy that this war is not going to be won.
It's now U.S. policy that there's no way to beat Russia.
It's now U.S. policy that there's going to be a time when they're going to come to the negotiating table and work out an agreement.
And guess what? All the people who have been saying that over the past two years were attacked in this country.
Oh, you're a Putin apologist.
Oh, you're just, you know, you're...
Don't you want your country to win?
You're anti-American.
You're against America's interests.
You're in favor of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
All stupidity.
And even people like Mearsheimer, the long-time professor at Harvard, who said, look, realistically, This is not a war that Ukraine can win.
We have to sort of put that aside from the outset.
This is a war in which the bear is going to be able to gobble up, if you will, the raccoon if the fight keeps going.
At some point, the raccoon's best bet is to sort of let the bear go its own way so the raccoon can go its own way.
And all of this was dismissed as delusional thinking, even though now we see, again, from this very...
A kind of small but meaningful statement.
These are the people, the Biden regime, the neocons, these are the people laboring under the delusion that somehow...
This war could be won by Ukraine, that there would need to be a negotiation, that this is something that would essentially result in Putin's surrender.
Putin goes, listen, I made a horrible mistake.
I'm going to now withdraw all my forces.
I'm going to concede that this was a bad idea.
I offered the world my apology.
I agreed to pay reparations.
If anyone thought this was going to happen, it shows that you have no mental grasp, not just of the world that it is now, but just of the world of power politics.
If you ignore the names like, forget about Russia, forget about Ukraine, just think of the world as made up of big circles and small circles.
So the United States is a big circle.
Canada is a modestly big circle.
Venezuela is a small circle.
And think of power politics, how countries have to operate when small circles have to coexist alongside big circles.
And if anyone goes, well, I foresee that the small circles will start gobbling up the big circles.
No, that's delusion.
That's idiotic. That shows no grasp of real politic or power politics at all.
And now it seems that the US government kicking and screaming after putting out years, two years of unadulterated just propaganda and nonsense and demonization of people who said sensible things is finally coming around to say, you guys were right.
I want to conclude today my section in Solzhenitsyn's Gulag Archipelago that talks about the prison camp industry, the people who run these gulags.
And Solzhenitsyn is fast-forwarding here to raise a question very relevant to our own time, which is what happens to society when there are crimes committed by the state And there is no moral accountability.
Let's think about it right here in America.
Look at all the stuff the Clintons have been doing going back to their days in Arkansas.
They somehow stay one step ahead of the posse.
They've never been held morally accountable.
Look at all the people who are part of the Jeffrey Epstein orbit, participating in horrific acts involving minors, Lolita Island.
We don't even know their names.
No accountability. Think about all the people who participated in the Russia collusion hoax.
I'm giving just examples from here, there and everywhere.
But what they point to is the fact that we have now become a society where at least the left, one party, the left and the Democrats, can do this stuff with the sure knowledge that nothing will happen to them.
And Solzhenitsyn is making the point, in a somewhat different context, the Soviet Gulag, that this is the undoing of a whole society.
Now, he concludes this chapter by saying, whenever you talk about...
And remember, he's now writing at a time when the Soviet Union is collapsing.
The Gulag has now been...
It's now a thing of the past, at least in terms of the fact that the Soviet Union is now dissolved.
There's a new society...
And Solzhenitsyn says, whenever you talk about holding anyone accountable over all those many years, in fact, decades, I mean, think about it, there were not thousands, tens of thousands, maybe hundreds of thousands of people.
Now, some of them obviously going back to the 30s and 40s are dead, but many people going back to the 1950s, 60s, 70s are still alive.
And Solzhenitsyn goes, whenever you talk about having any kind of accountability, you always hear the same thing.
What are you talking about, comrade?
Why open up old wounds?
It's almost as if there's an idea in the Soviet Union or in the post-Soviet Union that none of these people need to be held accountable.
And think about this. This is particularly bad because many of those old communists simply threw away their communist hammer and sickle and sort of took control of the new post-Soviet government.
They claim no longer to believe in communism.
They're like, we're done with all that.
But guess what? All the people we imprisoned, all the people we...
Don't ask us about any of that.
That's all in the past.
Let's not look in the rearview mirror.
And Solzhenitsyn goes, but interestingly, this is not an approach that anyone takes with regard to the Nazis.
He goes, the Russians, the British, the Americans are always rounding up Nazis.
And he goes, just by 1966, he's saying by 1966, 86,000 Nazi criminals were convicted in West Germany.
And he goes, and no one's satisfied.
He goes, we choke with anger.
Why not more? Surely there were more.
He goes, but when it comes to Russia, he goes, in a quarter century, we have not tracked down anyone.
We have not had a single trial.
And he says, it's not that we are afraid of opening up our wounds.
He goes, we won't open up their wounds.
We won't open up the wounds that they inflicted on other people.
He says, in the German trials, I'm now quoting, a remarkable phenomenon takes place from time to time.
The defendant clasps his hands, his head in his hands, refuses to make a defense, and from then on asks no concessions from the court.
He Basically what he's saying is that at some point, some of these Nazi criminals, the horror of what they themselves did hits them, and they really realize, I don't have a defense.
I shouldn't be trying to come up with rationalizations for what I did.
It was just downright evil, and I just need to accept that.
Whatever the penalty, or even if there's no penalty, I at least need to take moral account of what I did.
And then says Solzhenitsyn, but nothing like this is going on in Russia.
He goes, So, no accountability, not even a calling out, not even a public recitation of all the things that were done.
Now, of course, Solzhenitsyn is doing his own accounting right here in the Gulag, so we do have it.
But even here, interestingly, the Gulag is a bestseller initially in France.
It then spreads to Europe.
It's now, of course, well-read all over the world.
But it is not, even now, widely read in Russia.
How odd that is, isn't it?
It's a book about Russia.
It's immersed in Russian history.
It's talking about Russians very often by name.
Olga so-and-so was grabbed at a train station in 1936 and So, the level of excruciating detail makes this a thoroughly Russian book, just as much as, say, Tolstoy's War and Peace or the works of Dostoevsky.
And yet, in Russia, there was a desire, still to this day, now decades later, no one should be held accountable.
Let those crimes slip invisibly into the past.
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