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Sept. 11, 2023 - Dinesh D'Souza
50:30
POLICE STATE ALERT Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep661
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Coming up, I just released a teaser trailer for the new film, Police State, which is out next month.
I'll give you a little bit of the early scoop on the release and how to watch the film.
I'll also review the posting of 2,000 Mules Free on X this past weekend.
I'll examine an important appeals court ruling in Missouri versus Biden and show why that's a big win for free speech.
Writer and activist Sharika Sol joins me.
We're going to talk about why she's so revolted at the left's intolerance for black male criminality.
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That's, by the way, one place that you can see the new film.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Show.
The times are crazy, and a time of confusion, division, and lies.
We need a brave voice of reason, understanding, and truth.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
The teaser trailer for my new film, Police State, is out.
I bet some of you have seen it, maybe not all of you, and at the end of this segment, we're going to play the teaser for you, so you'll be able to see it.
And it gives you just a glimpse into this really powerful film.
The film itself is done.
It's now in the final stages.
Typically, when we finish the film, we call it a rough cut.
And by rough cut, we don't mean it's 50% there or something.
We mean it's 99% there.
But the film then goes into final coloring stages.
Final sound. And in a film, if you have horses, for example, walking, the sound people will then insert the kind of clack, clack, clack of the hooves.
So sound brings the incidents, the depictions of the film to life.
And then, of course, final music.
Typically, when we make a film, we put in temp music, temporary music, so that you can watch the film and get a sense of what it's about.
But then we've got this great, terrific guy.
His name is Brian Miller, and he does our final music.
And so he's putting it in there right now.
So the film will soon be in its final form.
By the way, we've already shown the film to the theaters, and they typically want to see the film, and probably a little more with my film as well.
Let's take a look at the film.
And they were a little nervous with 2,000 Meals because of the election topic, but this topic, they were curious to see what the film would be all about, and they're...
And they really liked it.
They're like, wow, this is very interesting, and we're happy to have it in the theaters.
And so the film is going into hundreds of theaters, but only on two days, October 23rd and October 25th.
And what we do in the release, and this is partly so that we kind of control the situation and we're not susceptible to any kind of pressure or vulnerability, is we buy out the theater.
We just buy every seat, so to speak.
We buy it, obviously, kind of wholesale.
And then we're offering the tickets on the film's website.
And the film website is policestatefilm.net.
So Police State Film.
Remember, it's not.com, it's.net.
PoliceStateFilm.net. And if you go there, the cool thing is there's kind of a search you can put in your state.
It'll show all the theaters playing it in Texas or in Florida or wherever.
There are different ways of searching it, but you can find the theater right near you.
And in some cases, you may have 20 or 30 minutes to drive, but don't let that deter you.
Why? Because it's such a cool experience.
We make these films.
We don't make them for watching on the computer.
You can watch on the computer.
You can watch on a big-screen TV later, eventually, when the film is available for streaming and downloads and so on.
But the theater has a unique experience all of its own, and it's also fun to watch it with other like-minded people And the cool thing about us doing a buyout is you don't have to sort of create a group and buy out the whole theater.
Not at all. Just go on the website.
Decide if you want one ticket.
If you want six tickets or five tickets for the family.
Decide if you want to contact people in your local group or Republican club or book club.
All of you can go together.
Buy as many tickets as you want.
And it's going to be, well, it's going to be really an unforgettable experience.
The subtitle of the film is quite simply, you know, we experimented with a bunch of subtitles.
We came up with something really simple.
Are you next?
Why? Because this is a film that has Trump in it, but it's not just about Trump.
It has January 6th in it, but it's not just about January 6th.
It's really about the danger that the police state poses, not just eventually, but even now.
To any and all of us.
So, are you next is kind of a way of saying that we all need to be on alert.
I'm teaming up with this film with Dan Bongino and thrilled to have him as a sort of collaborator.
Dan is also in the movie.
And gave us some sort of good advice for how to structure this movie.
Let's remember, Dan is a former Secret Service agent.
He's experienced in law enforcement.
So this is a topic that is right up his alley.
One comment about tickets.
When we offered similar tickets with 2,000 Mules, the tickets went really fast.
And then there were lots of people, I mean thousands of people, who were like, I want to see it in the theater.
Dinesh, can you put it back in the theater?
And all of this is logistically a little complicated.
So my point is, don't be disappointed later.
Get your tickets now. I realize it's early.
The movie is next month.
But so what? Make a little bit of planning.
And the good thing about it is clear your calendar now.
So you're not going to say later, oh, I've got this.
I've got an appointment. Don't make any appointments on October 23rd or 25th.
Plan to see the film.
Make it a priority.
Later, after that, the film will have a virtual premiere and a virtual premiere is where lots of people can pipe in and watch the film and we'll also have a live Q&A to follow.
We'll also have the movie available in streaming and digital download.
We're kind of arranging all the different platforms for that to happen.
We'll have physical DVDs that you'll be able to buy on Amazon and Walmart and elsewhere.
But the starting point for all this is the website.
Once again, it's policestatefilm.net.
By the way, in addition to getting tickets, you can also sign up for our email list.
We'll keep you notified about the progress on the film and also different ways to see the film.
And I'll close out this segment with you having a chance, if you haven't already, and if you have, well, watch it again, the teaser trailer.
So, here we go.
We honor you, Father, for all that you've done for us.
Amen.
Chief Division Counsel and DOJ have approved a no-not breach.
We want the subject to be on display, doing the walk of shame, full visual impact.
Any questions? Are we becoming a police state?
The government told American citizens they couldn't go to church on Sunday.
For the first time in my life, I'd say to myself, am I going to get a knock at the door?
FBI warrant! Come to the door now!
The Patriot Act and FISA were used against Donald Trump.
These individuals have commissioned the biggest propaganda play in U.S. history.
They don't go after the people that rigged the election.
They go after the people that want to find out what the hell happened.
We don't need to have a crime.
What we need is a person to look at.
And then we go find out what crime you did.
FBI! Our focus is shifting.
Our main priority as a bureau is going to be domestic terrorism.
It really paints anybody who's right of center.
If you're a pro-life, pro-family Catholic, they define you as radical.
These are anti-government.
We have freedom of religion and freedom of speech.
Violent extremists, and they must be dealt with.
We can do anything we want.
This past weekend I made 2,000 mules available for free on Twitter on X. I guess that's it's now X the platform formerly Twitter.
And the reason I did it was...
Well, a couple of reasons.
One reason was that over time people have said to me, Dinesh, you know, not everybody who has seen 2,000 mules, some people who are on our side who don't really, they're on a fixed income and you don't want them to have to pay, do you?
And I'm like, no. So make it easy for them, make it available to them.
And then there are the guys on the left who need to see this film, and some people in the middle who need to see this film.
All that they have seen is things about the film.
And since the left dominates the media, they've seen the so-called fact checks, they've seen the articles with titles like, we've seen 2,000 mules so you don't have to, typically written by some dishonest So,
I'm like, all right, let's pick a weekend, weekend after Labor Day.
And offer the film.
And what's really cool is that a lot of people have seen this film.
Why? Because you can look on X, you can look on the platform, and it tells you how many views.
And I think the last I looked this morning, it was at something like 2.6 million views.
So, a terrific number.
And that's in addition, of course, to all the millions of people who've already seen it.
And probably some of the people here who have seen it have, and you can see it in the comments, they're like, wow, this is incredibly well researched.
This is really powerful.
And I didn't know.
So even now, they've heard this and they've heard that, but they didn't see it all put together.
And they weren't able to see the fraud before their very eyes.
And... Now, the other reason I wanted to put the film up and put it up now is because the issue of election fraud is front and center of two of Trump's four indictments.
So the Jack Smith indictment in D.C. is all about January 6th, but it's all about January 6th as an effort to, quote, And if you look at Jack Smith's documents, they're all about the fact that the election was secured.
It's been called the most secure election in U.S. history.
Yeah, it's been called that by the very people who ran the election, the so-called CISA, the Cybersecurity Infrastructure Agency.
And so that is a little bit like the sheriff who's, you know, basically a burglary is going all around town.
This is the safest town west of the Mississippi No, it's actually not if you look at the crime figures But if you listen to the guy bloviate and it is if you have no other source of information They're like well the sheriff himself assures us. This is the safest town west of the Mississippi Now, Trump is in a very interesting position because he has different ways to be able to defend, not just in the D.C. case with Jack Smith, but also in the Georgia case.
One way to defend is basically just to say, well, listen, it's absurd to say that I knew that the election wasn't rigged and stolen.
I believed it was stolen from the outset.
And that alone is sufficient to overturn Jack Smith's point, because Jack Smith's point is not just that Trump disputed the election, not just that he honestly believed there was fraud, but that Trump knew that there wasn't and still irresponsibly and recklessly said there was.
But in a way, a more dramatic, a more effective, and a more interesting, certainly a way that would captivate the country, would be if Trump were to say, actually, there was a lot of fraud.
And I'm going to put the fraud itself on trial.
And if Trump did that, well, 2000 Meals is a resource available to him.
2000 Meals can be awfully helpful to him.
And the real power of 2000 Meals, and I don't see this with any other type of evidence on this topic, is it brings two completely independent sources of investigation, namely the cell phone geo-tracking and the video evidence.
And it brings those two together.
See, Those two don't have anything to do with each other.
They're separate. It's kind of like a serial killer is at a particular house.
He's got his phone, so the phone puts him at that location.
But then, separately, since you know the time and the date that he got there, you go look on the video, and there he is coming through the door.
So now you've got the cell phone evidence and you've got the video evidence, and putting the two together, the case is closed.
In fact, one of them would be probably sufficient, but the two together are completely dispositive.
So anyway, I'm thrilled at the reaction to 2,000 mules being available on X, and I hope that it does, even for Trump, does him some good.
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Some very good news in the case of Missouri versus Biden.
I remind you that's the case that involves government involvement, government collusion, government participation, but also government pressure on digital platforms to engage in systematic censorship on a whole bunch of topics.
And it emerged in trial at the district court level that this was a massively coordinated operation.
It involves numerous people in the Biden administration, numerous departments, numerous agencies, including the White House.
And the censorship is conducted in some cases through direct collusion.
The government just dropping in, censor this guy, deplatform that guy into portals that these digital platforms are just using as a resource.
Here, this is a request coming in from the SEC or from the FEC or from the White House or coming in from the State Department or coming in from the health authorities.
And in some cases, the Biden administration, the Biden regime used intermediaries.
The Stanford Internet Observatory.
Others, these so-called non-profits.
And this is a disguised way of the government doing censorship because it's like we're not censoring directly.
We're telling the non-profits.
The non-profits are then telling the digital platforms.
And so the digital platforms can pretend like it's not coming from the government directly.
So the district court agreed that this was a serious enough situation, a flagrant enough violation of the First Amendment, that the district court put an injunction on the Biden regime saying, stop doing this.
You cannot do this anymore, and you cannot do this in any way.
It's not just that you have to stop issuing, quote, orders.
You can't make recommendations.
You cannot work with these platforms.
You cannot apply any kind of pressure to them.
And if you do, you are violating the Constitution.
So the Biden Department of Justice immediately appealed.
They appealed to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.
And the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals has just ruled...
Upholding the District Court and agreeing that this injunction should stay in place.
So, what does that mean?
What that means is that all these agencies of the government, and I'm about to name a whole bunch of them, they can no longer censor you.
They can no longer dictate social media policies.
They can no longer flag your posts.
So it's not just a matter of I can't get you banned.
I cannot even get you restricted if I'm the government.
I cannot communicate with these companies and provide censorship recommendations or censorship lists.
I cannot work with intermediaries like the EIP, the so-called Virality Project, the Stanford Internet Observatory.
I cannot threaten these companies in any way, and nor can I put out just simple bolos.
Be on the lookout for. Be on the lookout for Dinesh.
Be on the lookout for libs of TikTok.
Be on the lookout for Dr.
Bhattacharya from Stanford, because he's been putting out information we don't like on COVID. No, can't do any of this.
And what's really remarkable is the number of people named in this ruling.
And I kind of want to go through these names because it shows you the scope of this ruling and its importance.
It also shows you the magnitude of all the people involved in the censorship industry, or as I think Schellenberger and Matt Taibbi have called it, the censorship industrial complex.
So these are the people, by the way, who are kind of specifically identified in the court's ruling.
Let's go through them. White House Press Secretary Corrine Jean-Pierre.
Counsel to the President, Stuart Delery. White House Partnerships Manager, Aisha Shah.
Special Assistant to the President, Sarah Bergen. Administrator of the U.S. Digital Service within the OMB, the Office of Management and Budget, Meena Hesang.
White House National Climate Advisor, Ali Zaidi.
White House Senior COVID Advisor, formerly Andrew Slavitt.
Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of Digital Strategy, formerly Rob Flaherty.
White House COVID Director of Strategic Communications, Dori Salcedo.
There's a whole bunch of other COVID officials, one after the other.
Chief Medical Advisor to the President, Dr.
along with Surgeon General Vivek H. Murthy, Chief Officer for the Surgeon General Catherine Dealy, along with their directors, administrators, and employees of the Center for Disease Control.
And down the list it goes.
Specifically, the following employees.
Carol Crawford, Chief of Digital Media Branch of the CDC Division, Jay Dempsey, Social Media Team Leader, Digital Media Branch, CDC Division of Public Affairs, Kate Galata, CDC Deputy Communications Director, and then on to the FBI.
And specifically, the following employees.
Laura Demlo, Section Chief, FBI Foreign Influence Task Force, Elvis M. Chan, Supervisory Agent in the FBI San Francisco Division.
So think about this, because it means all these people had their fingers, their grubby paws, if you will, in the pie of digital censorship.
All of them were actively engaged in this enterprise, and the court sort of has their number.
And the court is issuing an injunction basically telling them that they have to keep their hands off.
I'm now reading from the ruling.
I love this.
I mean, what I like about the court is it's cutting off loopholes.
If you say you can't directly do it, then they're like, well, we can do it indirectly.
If you can't do it formally, well, maybe we'll do it informally.
I'll tell some guy at a bar, and he'll then go tell them.
No, you can't do it any which way.
And you can't coerce or significantly encourage social media companies to remove, delete, suppress, or reduce, including through altering their algorithms posted social media content containing protected free speech.
So this doesn't apply to illegal speech.
It applies to free speech.
If the speech is legal, it has to be allowed, and you cannot try to suppress it.
That includes, but is not limited to, compelling the platforms to act, such as by intimidating, by intimating, intimating that some form of punishment will follow a failure to comply with any request, or supervising, directing, or otherwise meaningfully controlling the social media company's decision-making process.
So this is a kind of a broad and dramatic prohibition that is, I think, a powerful blow for free speech.
Now, admittedly, the Biden regime could appeal.
That appeal would go to the Supreme Court, and I think it would produce the same result.
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Get 35% off your first preferred order by using discount code AMERICA. I'm continuing my discussion of this magnificent appellate court ruling, the 5th District Court.
And the ruling is a, well, it's a tribute to the work that's done by Andrew Bailey, by Eric Schmidt.
These are the attorneys general of Louisiana and of Missouri.
They're the ones that filed the case in the first place.
And here's the court. And, quote, in violation of the First Amendment.
The court says that the feds engaged, I'm not quoting from them, in a broad pressure campaign designed to coerce social media companies into suppressing content disfavored by the government.
Notice that the court doesn't buy into any of this content that's misinformation or disinformation.
It's simply content disfavored by the government.
And then I think a very striking line that follows, the harms that radiate from such conduct extend far beyond just the plaintiffs.
It impacts every social media user.
So here's the court saying, listen, it's true that the lawsuit is brought by these states.
And there are, of course, amicus briefs filed by other states and so on.
But those people who are filing the case are not the only ones harmed.
Everybody Who is on social media is facing the sword of Damocles, is facing the threat that the government could intervene to get you restricted, you banned, you deplatformed, you shadow banned, and so on.
And so the court is really striking a victory here for the American people, for all of our right to speak out.
And the government, of course, had argued that we're not really threatening these platforms.
It's their policies.
We're merely making recommendations.
We're merely making suggestions.
And the court goes on to say, this is really not true.
First of all, you are the same government agencies that regulate these platforms.
You're the ones that extend Section 230 protection to them.
And even if you made no threats at all, because you're the government, there is always what the court calls the power of, or else...
Or there's always an unspoken or else.
Meaning, if you don't do this, hey, listen, we could take away your Section 230 protection.
We could go after you.
And the court says this is especially true when you're dealing with groups like the FBI. The FBI are the cops.
The cops don't have to say, you have to do it.
It's like a policeman who comes up to your car.
Give me your driver's license.
The policeman could say, well, I'm not making him give me the driver's license.
I'm simply making a recommendation.
I'm just asking.
But the context of it is not the same as some guy coming up to me on the street and going, hey, may I see your driver's license?
That guy is just asking. The cop is not just asking.
The cop has an unspoken or else.
Or else what's going to follow is step out of your car, turn around, put your hands on the dash, and so on.
So the court is very aware that there is bullying that is going on here from the government to these digital platforms.
And then the court is also aware that Joe Biden's White House had promised to punish the platforms if they didn't do more to restrict free speech, more to, quote, fight disinformation and so on.
And the court is like, well, you yourself are admitting that you have an active role in threatening and intimidating these platforms.
The court then turns to the FBI, and the court says that the FBI admits that it met with the platforms.
The FBI says, well, we shared strategic information.
But the court goes, no, you didn't just do that.
The FBI went beyond that.
You urged the platforms to take down content.
And it says it doesn't matter if your messages were, quote, plainly threatening in tone or manner.
You're the police agency of the government, so whatever you say comes with the backing of authority that comes from being a cop, from being the guys with the guns.
And then the court goes on to say that...
These policies, quote, had the intended result of suppressing millions of protected free speech postings by American citizens.
And the court says, To me, these are the courts doing what urgently needs to happen.
In fact, I would call this police-state pushback.
This is the courts recognizing that, look, there's a fundamental liberty, the First Amendment, your right to free speech.
This is under systematic assault, not just by the government, but by the government acting in tandem with a lot of other groups.
This needs to be stopped and stopped now.
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Guys, I'd like to welcome a new guest to the podcast.
Her name is Sharika Soul.
I actually encountered Sharika on social media.
I just noticed here someone with a distinct personality, someone who has a particular kind of boldness in speaking out.
And she's a former senior publicist and freelance writer for several media outlets, The Hype Magazine, also jackthriller.com.
And you can follow her on X. Her tag is at sharikasoul84.
Sharika, welcome to the podcast.
Great to have you.
And we were just chatting a moment ago when you were talking about the fact that you live in California, but you kind of are pretty careful not to be planting your...
not to be setting up in downtown LA. In other words, you want to live in a safe neighborhood, right?
As we all do. Right.
Yeah, you know, I'm a single woman, and I stand about five foot two in real life.
And it's just safer for me and my son to live in an environment where, you know, I feel safe going to the grocery store, I feel safe walking around my neighborhood.
I feel like LA is dying.
And it's really because they've ushered in and created a bunch of low income housing and kind of There's no real unity, community there.
It's just people in and out, in and out.
It's a lot of crime, and it's just not for me.
I mean, Sharika, you have taken on as your topic in social media, the issue of crime, but specifically of black crime in inner city neighborhoods.
And that's an unusual topic for a black woman to be speaking about and speaking about with the kind of, I won't say brutal candor, that's not probably the right word, but sort of unapologetic candor.
And so talk a little bit about why you sort of took on this somewhat unique mission.
Well, first I'd like to say that yes, I am and can be brutally honest at times.
But given that I'm an adoptee, you know, I'm not like Colin Kaepernick.
He has a strong desire to be accepted by Black people.
My adoption affected me the opposite way, where I felt like people who can see We're good to go.
You know, I can't take that seriously.
I'm not going to blame white people or other races for what happened to me and my siblings.
And it's not about healing.
It's not about forgiveness. It's about facts.
You know, you're not a pro-black person if you're not concerned that 40% of black adoptees or 70-70% of adoptees are adopted and 40% of those are adopted by white people.
What are we really fighting for?
And so that's why I've come to the point where I don't want to stand outside and scream about white people.
I want to talk about how I was adopted, how my siblings ended up in foster care, and why there was a 16-year-old with three children in 1989 in Chicago.
Now... There seems to be a high kind of tolerance for black crime among white liberals.
Maybe part of the reason for that is that white liberals typically are not the ones most directly affected.
I The main victims of the black criminals are typically other black people.
Why do you think that this kind of indifference to this topic developed so much in the liberal kind of political community?
Is it because they just don't care?
Is it because it goes against their narrative?
Why do you think that is? I think a lot of them are young.
You know, when I was in my 20s, it was kind of like, of course we're going to fight against racism.
Of course we want to be like MLK, right?
So I think white liberals kind of get this idea that Black people are pets.
We're things that need to be managed and micromanaged, if you will.
And we don't.
You know, that's why you keep seeing white women who date these ghetto thugs end up as baby mamas, you know?
And a lot of women from other races who...
You know, want to just see Black men as all the same and not differentiate between the ghetto thug and the guy who works at Home Depot and takes care of his family.
And that's how they end up baby mothers because they see us all the same, you know, and we're not a monologue.
Some of us are not nice people.
And I think that's where liberals are coming from.
What is that word?
It's kind of a dumbing down of reality.
If they face reality, then yes, it's good to discriminate.
It's good to be careful to protect yourself.
You don't just want to invite every Black person in your house.
You know, they might rob you.
You can't just go around trying to save thieves, you know?
So I think that white liberals see us as pets and they're taught that as early as middle school and high school when they talk about slavery and stuff in the history books.
I mean, you said something very kind of striking or arresting.
It's good to discriminate.
I think what you're getting at is that you're not talking about discriminating collectively against blacks.
You're saying that within the black community, just as within any other community, you have all types.
And so you're actually calling for a more prudent discrimination, aren't you, in which you make distinctions between, gee, in this case, I may have to cross the street, but in this case, I don't have to.
Right, right.
Treating us all the same is foolish, you know?
Trusting anybody just because they're Black is crazy.
But the same goes for white, you know?
Saying that all white people are evil, all white people want to hurt us.
Let's be real. Harriet Tubman talked about Quakers who are literally white people.
The Underground Railroad would not exist if not for friendly white people who helped her hide under their houses.
And we've conveniently forgot all that.
So that's also kind of why I am the way I am because I don't think I'm the smartest person in the room.
I think that there's just something going on here where insanity has been allowed to just kind of go.
Because again, white people, liberals, feel sorry for us and they see us as pets.
So it's kind of like, oh, just let that black girl get on TikTok and say she hates white people.
They don't realize what they're doing.
They've now created an anti-white state and black women have now become a symbol of anti-whiteness.
And we're paying the price for that.
Let's take a pause when we come back more with SharikaSoul.
On Twitter, X, you can follow her at SharikaSoul84.
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Feel the difference. I'm back with a writer, a former senior publicist, Sharika Soul.
We're talking about, well, criminality and we're talking about discrimination and And, Sharika, you know, the rhetoric of saying all of this is due to the legacy of, let's just say, discrimination, of segregation,
and yet the real irony is that if we do flashbacks, Let's say 50 years or 75 years ago, 100 years ago, and we look at black communities, we see from the writings of Du Bois and many others that black communities were much more intact places.
You had families that were together, and they might have been under the stresses of segregation, but nevertheless, you'd have a father, a mom, you'd have a boy and a girl in the household.
There was no tolerance for this kind of rampant criminality.
Nobody made excuses for it.
And in some ways that got lost along the way.
How did it get lost?
Because Black men decided that becoming a rapper instead of building hospitals was more important.
You know, Black people own three hospitals in America, but we own millions of record labels.
You know, the Black men thought, oh, you know, let's get record labels.
You know, we don't need hospitals.
So if there were ever segregation were to come back, our race would be completely lost because there's not enough hospitals to service us in America.
And I think that hip-hop being introduced in the 80s as well as crack, I mean, that's where I come from.
I was born in 1984 in Chicago to a 13-year-old who already had a 16-month-old baby, you know?
And because my grandmother was on drugs and she was drug addicted, so she was allowing bad things to happen to my mother, my birth mother.
And I think with that introduction, Of a new way to make money.
Kind of a corruption of what we wanted to be our values.
I think it just all fell apart from there.
If you tell somebody you can just pick up a microphone and jump up and down on a stage and we're going to make you a star, why would you want to go and be a doctor?
Why would you want to continue to go in your community and build and protect the women?
You can just go. You can just go and tell everybody women are bitches and hoes and we're ugly.
It's much easier that way, and I think that people took the easier route, which led to the destruction of our race.
I mean, I remember when I first came to America, the late 70s, early 80s, and all of this was just starting, there were a lot of white kids who thought that rap was really cool.
And for them, it was just a kind of rhetorical stance, just kind of male kind of boasting and strutting and so on.
But there was no immediate consequence for these kids because to them it was entertainment.
But, of course, what seems has happened inside of black America is that the young black kid who probably could do really well as a real estate agent or as an insurance salesman or, as you say, working in a hospital, that guy realized, well, why would I want to do those kinds of useless, dull things when I can be this cool rapper?
And so, a kind of celebration...
I mean, I guess there's always been a celebration of athletes and so on, but the adding of the celebration...
With rap, you have the sort of almost the valorization of a kind of criminal stance, don't you?
That sort of being a thug is sort of cool.
And it's horrible. People scream thug life until the feds kick in the door and those children are removed.
People only think about thug life until they meet someone like me.
You know, my adopted mother, my real mother, sorry, ran away from Chicago.
With three children in tow because of gun violence and child predators in the area, that's thug life.
Let's not get confused here.
If they're breaking the law, they're not at all concerned about CPS arriving and taking their children from them.
They're not if you're living that kind of life.
And that's often what happens, whether it be, you know, the feds kicking in the door or it's some type of shooting up that happens where the police show up and now they have to call CBS because one of the parents is dead.
You know, it's thug life until we think about how that actually affects children.
And it affected me.
I ended up adopted. I was removed from my race.
I've gone through a lot, you know, with that.
I've had to explain to everybody, why do you talk white?
My whole life, I'm 39 now.
So it's not just thug life.
These are children.
These are people's lives. This is a community.
And we should completely reject that.
Sharika, talk about the kind of backlash that you've gotten.
Has it come mainly from blacks, mainly from whites?
Is it a combination of both?
I mean, I see people really, you really get under their skin because of the way that you put this stuff out there.
You seem to lack, if you will, the race solidarity that is expected of you to sort of turn away from this kind of thing.
But your attitude almost is like, you know, I'm going to tell it like it is.
You know, as I said, you know, now I just got to an age where I don't owe them loyalty.
Where were the Black community when me and my two other siblings were being removed from the home?
You know, you wait until I'm 18 or an adult to now come and ask me to support you.
But where were you?
And I know people could say, oh, you need to heal.
But there's other, there's a little girl, Black girl in foster care right now.
And she's going through the same thing, trying to find out Where is everybody?
So I go through a lot and it's mostly Black men that get very angry with me.
It's a mixture, but it's usually Black men because those are the ones I'm the hardest on, you know?
I feel Black men are the leader.
I understand that Black women are not above criticism and there's a lot that we need to change about how we present ourselves, right?
But Black men are the leaders.
And so I'm harder on them and so that, you know, I get a lot of backlash.
I've had death threats Home invasion threats, you name it.
And I just keep on keeping on.
Well, Sharika, I commend you.
You've been speaking about this topic, and I haven't seen anybody do it sort of with the boldness that you have.
Guys, Sharika Soul, follow her on X, at SharikaSoul84.
She's got great stuff.
Thank you, Sharika, for joining me.
Thank you so much.
I'm discussing the very opening section of Solzhenitsyn's Gulag Archipelago.
And I want to begin with the line that I've used as the opening line of my new film, Police State.
Now, I condensed the line a little bit, but I'm going to read it in full here.
We have been happily born, or perhaps have unhappily dragged our weary way, down the long and crooked streets of our lives, past all kinds of walls and fences made of rotting wood, rammed earth, brick, concrete, iron railings, We have never given a thought to what lies behind them.
We have never tried to penetrate them with our vision or our understanding.
But there is where the gulag country begins, right next to us, two yards away from us.
So here's Solzhenitsyn talking about the fact that in ordinary life, and see, this would be just as applicable in America today as it would be in Soviet Russia.
Think, for example, about all these Americans who recognize and they've heard about people being arrested by the FBI, a nighttime raid, a helicopter, a bang on the door.
And, of course, you'll see all of this dramatized unforgettably for you in my new film.
But nevertheless, they think, well...
You know what? That's not me.
That's not my life. That's not what happens to law-abiding, decent guys like me or my family.
I'm not Trump.
I didn't go in the Capitol.
I had too much sense to kind of push my way into a building like that on January 6th.
So I'm safe.
So this is exactly what Solzhenitsyn is warning us against, the kind of bovine complacency in which we don't Stay alert to what is happening around us.
In a sense, we're sort of almost like the complacent animal that's grazing in the herd, doesn't realize that there's danger afoot.
In fact, other members of the herd are beginning to look around nervously, are beginning to run, and yet you don't run because you think, they're not going to come from me, are they?
So this is Sholzhenitsyn.
He's saying that in the Soviet Union, everywhere the gulag exists, not just out in the country, not just in Siberia, but there are prisons in cities, there are prisons in towns, people are being snatched away.
And yet, somehow, even though these fences and barbed wire and walls are all around us, we see them, we walk by them, we never think, like, what's behind that wall?
Who's actually living there?
Who is being held there against their will?
So that is where the gulag country begins.
And then, says Solzhenitsyn, in addition, we fail to notice an enormous number of closely fitted, well-disguised doors and gates in these fences.
All those gates were prepared for us, every single one.
And then he talks about the fact that when the gate opens and you go into the gulag, quote, he says, the gate to our past life is slammed shut once and for all.
So suddenly that...
Kind of clang of the gate shows that your life as you lived it before, for what, 20, 30, 40, in some cases 50 years, that life is now over.
He goes, that's all there is to it.
You are arrested.
And, says Solzhenitsyn, you find nothing better to respond with than a lamb-like bleat, Me?
What for? So this is the standard response of the arrestee.
You're astounded.
You're asking a question to which, of course, there is no answer, and you're never going to be given an answer, which is, Why are you coming to get me?
Why are you coming here at all?
What did I do? That is what a rest is.
It's a blinding flash and a blow which shifts the present instantly into the past and the impossible into omnipotent actuality.
Think of the beauty of these Solzhenitsyns.
the present, suddenly everything you've lived up to now is now moved into your past.
It's now in the rear view mirror, so to speak.
And suddenly there is this new, unmistakable reality that you can't get away from, and that is, you are under arrest.
He goes, that's all.
And neither for the first hour nor for the first day will you be able to grasp anything else.
that in your desperation the fake circus moon will blink at you.
Quote, it's a mistake.
They'll set things right.
So again, here's Solzhenitsyn talking about the human tendency not to look your situation in the eye, not to realize, look...
These are very bad people.
They are here to get me.
I need to be in complete survival mode.
If I'm in a group, I need to scream.
If I'm outside, I need to fight back.
I need to rally whatever support I can.
My resources may be limited, but I need to deploy them all.
Because once I'm locked up, once they've got me in their grasp, there's not a whole lot I'm going to be able to do.
So this is my only chance, my narrow window of opportunity, and yet people don't think that.
There's a little voice that says to you, oh, well, this is obviously some error.
This is some administrative mistake.
There must be some other guy who's sort of like Ramesh D'Souza.
They're after that guy, not really me.
I'll sort it all out.
And so this is what Solzhenitsyn calls the fake circus moon.
It is a delusion that is actually making your situation worse.
And then, says Solzhenitsyn, suddenly you are at a loss.
Suddenly you begin to ask things like, well, what do I need?
What do I have to take with me?
Do I need a change of underwear, a piece of soap, something to eat?
But he goes, no one knows what you need.
No one knows what is permitted.
And so no one knows what clothes are best to wear.
And the security agency says, keep hurrying you and they keep saying to you, you don't need anything.
They'll feed you there.
It's warm in there. And then says Solzhenitsyn, it's all lies.
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