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Aug. 28, 2023 - Dinesh D'Souza
44:13
Trump vs the Establishment Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep 652
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Hi everyone, this is Brandon Gill.
I'm Dinesh's son-in-law, and I'll be hosting his podcast this week while he takes a little bit of vacation.
If you're a regular listener to the Dinesh D'Souza podcast, you've probably heard from me before.
I'm the founder and editor-in-chief of an America First news outlet called DC Inquirer that I highly encourage you to read.
We have breaking news you won't want to miss, and our articles are often shared on social media by our favorite president, Donald Trump.
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You can find me on Truth Social at Brandon Gill.
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Today we're going to be discussing the Republican debate last week, the current state of Republican politics, and how the establishment wing of our party is still, unfortunately, alive and well.
Then Paul N. Garcia, writer and law clerk at the McBride Law Firm, will join us to give us his take on the Republican State of the Union and to dive into the Trump indictment.
The times are crazy, and a time of confusion, division, and lies.
We need a brave voice of reason, understanding, and truth.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
I'm Brandon Gill, filling in for Dinesh this week on the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
If there's anything the debates last week proved, it's that without Trump and the America First MAGA movement, the GOP really has no bench at all.
The old guard GOP on the stage the other night, with the exception of Vivek Ramaswamy, were so uninspiring, so scripted, and so out of touch, it was a joke.
Danielle and I were watching the debate together and there were several times when we just looked at each other and laughed.
Because everything about it was absurd.
For one, the only reason most of those candidates were on the stage in the first place was pure vanity.
There's not a single candidate there that has a prayer of winning the nomination.
Asa Hutchinson, for one, the former governor of Missouri, was most famous for having his career ruined by Tucker Carlson after he vetoed a ban on men and girls sports.
He's polling at 1% in the He's almost universally hated in the party.
So why is he running?
Why even take the time?
Why be on stage? Well, it's so we can increase his public profile in order to try for a seat on Walmart's board of advisors once he inevitably leaves politics.
Then you have Doug Burnham, who seems like a nice guy, but nobody's ever heard of him.
And he was clearly spooked on stage, not quite ready for the big leagues like the rest of the guys.
And then you have Chris Christie, whose only purpose in the primary is to sabotage President Trump.
This is a guy with a net favorability rating around negative 30%.
And I mean, how many times does this guy run for president at this point?
He's obviously on stage because he thinks he can do some damage to Trump, who he has a personal animus against.
But he also knows that when the campaign is over, he, like a lot of these people, are going to leave and get speaking gigs and book deals and spots on primetime CNN and MSNBC. And then apart from them, you have the old guard neocons.
Those are people like Nikki Haley and Tim Scott, both from South Carolina.
But it's hard to tell what world someone like Nikki Haley even lives in.
We're in a time right now when Republicans are sick of never-ending wars abroad in a culture that relentlessly denigrates men, usually coming from the left.
Except now, her whole persona is about being a wannabe girl boss who wants to drop bombs on every country on the planet.
At one point, she quoted Margaret Thatcher saying,"...if you want something said, ask a man.
If you want something done, ask a woman." Unfortunately, she doesn't seem to have half the wit Thatcher had and forgot that it'll be predominantly men who fight and die in all the wars she wants to start.
And throughout the debate, we heard a lot of talk about fiscal responsibility.
Now, I'm all for fiscal responsibility.
I'm a fiscal conservative.
We need to have balanced budgets.
We can't run up massive deficits, and we absolutely have to reduce spending.
But honestly, it's kind of a joke to hear career politicians Including or really especially people like Tim Scott, who's been in the Senate for 10 years and happily goes along with whatever big spending bill Mitch McConnell pitches.
But it's kind of a joke to hear career politicians, including or especially people like Tim Scott, who's been in the Senate for 10 years and happily goes along with whatever big spending bill Mitch McConnell pitches.
It's kind of a joke to hear somebody like that talk about fiscal responsibility.
What I'd rather hear somebody like Tim Scott, something that would be a lot more interesting and useful, rather than empty promises of fiscal austerity, I'd rather hear Tim Scott talk about a realistic understanding of the budget and how it can be used for our side's benefit.
If we can't cut the budget, and we've shown for the past 20 or 30 years that we can't, let's at least use it to promote our side for our benefit.
That's what the left does.
So instead of talking about cutting spending, maybe say something like, I'll do my best to cut spending, but when I can't, I'll do my best to funnel government money to right-wing political organizations and cut funding for left-wing ones.
In other words, I'm going to do exactly what the left does.
I'm going to use the federal government to punish my enemies and reward my allies.
And I'll use the budget to do it.
Something like that would actually be refreshing and interesting, especially compared to regurgitated talking points from 1994.
Maybe with a stronger political base in the future, at some point we can work on cutting the deficit, but given the political situation, that's not happening anytime soon.
And right now, the biggest issues of our time aren't the budget or fiscal deficits.
The biggest issues are immigration, crime, inflation, a deteriorating culture, election fraud, and government weaponization.
Our country is completely unraveling it at the seams and everybody can see it happening, at least everybody except the people on the stage last week at the debate.
So despite how dire our country's position is, we have, as Vivek Ramaswamy pointed out in the debate, We have these morning in America speeches about how great times are.
Tim Scott gives a big spiel about how the American dream is alive and well, and he's proof of it.
He grew up in poverty and now he's a senator, and his point is that he did it so you can do it too.
That's what he said.
Well, that's great that he did it, but he was born almost 60 years ago.
Things have changed a lot since then.
He doesn't seem to have realized it, but the rest of us do.
For millions of Americans, the opportunity for upward mobility is fading away fast.
It's getting more and more difficult to move from a lower socioeconomic class to the middle class and the upper classes.
And saying that the American dream is alive and well simply doesn't seem true for a lot of Americans.
I'll give you an example.
There was a poll recently that was asking teachers in public schools, what are the biggest problems that they face with students?
And when Tim Scott was in public school, this was years and years ago, I think the first poll was asked in the 50s.
The biggest problems in schools were things like running in the classrooms, chewing gum, talking out of line.
And the same poll was asked in 2018.
And the biggest problems then were things like violence, drug abuse, alcohol abuse, and suicide.
That's how much our public schools had deteriorated.
So to pretend like opportunities that were alive and well in America 60 years ago are still available is kind of a joke and it's almost insulting.
We're not in the same country that we were 40 years ago.
And that's not even considering the flagrant political persecution the left has been pursuing.
Last week, Democrats arrested over a dozen of the leaders of their political opposition, including the former president, over blatantly political charges.
The DOJ is targeting their opposition and silencing dissent, all so far with impunity.
So we need leaders who recognize that it's not morning in America.
We're in a very, very dark time in the country's history.
And if we're going to be successful at fighting it, we can't live in this made-up fantasy world of 1950s America.
The country you and they grew up in doesn't exist.
And we've got to have leaders who realize that.
And that's another point.
When people are hurting, and they are hurting right now, The last thing you want to do is tell them that everything is going great.
When you do that, that means either one, you're so out of touch with reality that you have no understanding of what's happening in the country, or two, you just don't care about the people you're serving.
Things are good for you, so to hell with everybody else.
It's one or the other. There's no alternative.
But either way, it's disqualifying, and it really is disqualifying for just about every candidate on stage last week.
And that's what we see from far too many of the establishment now.
Things are good for them.
They seem blissfully unaware of what's happening in the rest of the country.
The performance last week from the establishment candidates was a clear indication that without President Trump, our party's establishment, the boring old guard GOP, is just as rotten as it was in 2016.
In other words, there's still a lot more work to be done within our own party.
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Welcome back to the Dinesh D'Souza podcast.
I'm Brandon Gill filling in for Dinesh this week while he's taking some time off on vacation.
There was another thing that stuck out dramatically last week at the debate.
It was DeSantis.
He was the candidate who probably had the most riding on the debate.
He's been dropping like crazy in the polls over the past few weeks, despite having an enormous war chest and more institutional support than any other candidate on the stage.
And in some ways, more institutional support than Trump.
I mean, it's Fox News that's pushing DeSantis probably harder than anybody else.
And so what he needed to do was dominate the debate.
He needed to look presidential, decisive, unscripted, off the cuff, relaxed, likable.
And he really failed on every single one of those counts.
He looked on presidential, indecisive, awkward, uncomfortable, scripted, tense, and especially at the beginning, almost lifeless.
And it's amazing too, because there's been so much promise for his campaign.
We were told when he first started his campaign that he was the most electable, conservative alternative to President Trump, that he was a political mastermind, that he can get things done.
And it completely blew that perception up last week.
There's one point in particular that really did it, really, really stuck out.
And it was when the moderators asked a question.
The question was, it was one they were obviously going to ask.
It was kind of a standard question.
They asked, if you're not the nominee, if you lose the nomination, will you support the Republican on the ticket, even if it's Donald Trump?
And whenever they asked that, the candidates on the stage, they were supposed to raise their hands and say yes or no.
And as soon as the question was asked, immediately after it was, Vivek Ramaswamy raised his hand, high, clear, obviously proud of his answer and ready to defend it.
Great. Then several of the other candidates started raising their hands, but a lot more reluctantly.
So that was Mike Pence, Nikki Haley, Tim Scott, Doug Burnham, everybody except for Chris Christie and Asa Hutchinson.
But DeSantis, and this was so clear, he stopped and instead of raising his hand or not raising his hand, he just fidgeted a little bit.
Then he looked around to see what all the other candidates were doing.
And only once it was clear that they were all raising their hands, only then did he raise his own.
Now, obviously, that should have been a gimme question.
Everybody should have said, yes, of course, we'll support President Trump.
No questions asked.
He's better than Joe Biden.
And honestly, if you can't support Trump over Joe Biden, you need to get off the stage.
I mean, you shouldn't be in a Republican debate.
But honestly, what was worse than saying no was hesitating.
DeSantis is the person whose whole persona is as an alpha male.
He's supposed to be decisive, somebody who can be politically effective, get things done, move the levers of power.
That's how they've sort of pushed him in the campaign.
That's what his supporters think of him.
He's supposed to be the tough, ruthless leader.
But now all of that, his entire persona that they've put so much political capital into, all of that's shattered.
And he'll never be able to live it down, no matter how much he wants to.
Because he just proved everything the Trump camp says about him.
Everything about him being a puppet, about him blowing with the political winds, somebody who changes his opinion based on political opportunity or polling data or what the consultants say.
That's what the Trump camp has been saying about him.
And DeSantis basically just proved him right.
I mean, asking whether you would vote for Trump If he were the nominee, it's an absolute layup question.
He knew it was going to get asked.
It was coming for sure.
And if you don't answer it right, you know it's going to be a big deal.
It's something that could end your political career.
And to look around and ask, kind of see what the other candidates are doing first because you're too afraid to stand out and to have your own voice and your own opinion is That's not what a leader does.
That's not what a president does.
That's not how DeSantis has kind of portrayed himself.
And it makes it look like he can't make his own decisions, almost like he were a listless vessel.
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This is the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
I'm Brandon Gill filling in for Dinesh this week while he's taking a little bit of vacation that's much needed and deserved.
We've got a guest here with us.
We've got Paul Ingrassia.
He's a law clerk at the McBride Law Firm.
He graduated from Cornell Law School.
He's on the board of advisors of the New York Young Republicans Club.
He was also a two-time Claremont fellow, and he's a pretty avid writer.
He's got a substack where he gives legal analysis and other political commentary that I highly encourage you guys to read.
He's also on Truth Social and Twitter and Rumble.
So, Paul, thanks for joining us.
Thank you very much for having me today, Brandon.
Yeah, and one other thing that I think is interesting is that President Trump is also a big fan of Paul.
He likes to share a lot of Paul's writings, particularly his sub-stack, which we'll jump into here.
But Paul, thanks again for joining us.
I want to get your take on the debate last week.
And one of the things that really stuck out to me as I was watching that, obviously Trump wasn't there, was Was that you had a group of eight people which I would say other than Vivek Ramaswamy really Were the establishment.
I mean, it felt like whenever you're watching the debate, like it could have been 2012 or 2016 again.
Yeah, or 1984.
Yeah, or 1984, exactly.
I mean, and that was the thing.
You had a foreign policy that most of the people, everybody except Vivek, put on stage that really was from the 80s.
You had this total lack of understanding of kind of the gravity of the political climate that we're in.
It was almost surreal.
So I want to get, what was sort of your takeaway from the debate?
Yeah, no, I agree with you 100% on what you just said.
I think you saw on sharp display a generational gap between Vivek Ramaswamy, who is, for whatever his faults, I mean, he has some issues that I'm concerned about.
But putting that aside, I think he definitely is in much better touch with our current political crisis, our predicament as a country.
I mean, he's the only one who's adopted basically Donald Trump's approach towards foreign policy, especially as it concerns to the Ukraine-Russia conflict, as well as obviously the Middle East and even China.
So yeah, and then you see sort of the old guard, the neoconservatives and Mike Pence and Chris Christie kind of banging the war drums and saying we have to, especially Mike Pence.
I mean, this guy is so, so out of touch with I mean, I'm surprised.
He seems like he learned absolutely nothing spending four years in the Trump administration.
I mean, this guy still, his head is obviously stuck in the Reagan years.
I mean, all these people, there's the term zombie Reaganism, which, you know, many of us use as a pejorative term to refer to sort of these outmoded policies that stress, you Hawkish foreign policy abroad and then sort of a libertarian approach to domestic policy,
a hands-off approach, which might result in open borders and anti-tariffs and other sort of measures that have basically carved out And eroded our national infrastructure, our economic policy, and our economic engine, and basically outsourced everything overseas over the past 34 years.
So it's amazing to see that these other candidates, especially those who worked in the Trump administration, you know, Pence, Haley, Christie, they still don't get it.
They still don't get what the MAGA movement represents, what Donald Trump represents, and why he originally won in 2016, which was, of course, a more realistic approach to foreign policy.
He wasn't non-interventionist by any stretch of the imagination.
I mean, he was very, very tough on ISIS.
He used force when needed.
He had John Bolton in his administration, which obviously, you know, and Mike Pompeo, those types of people.
And Trump, even though he's extremely critical, especially of Bolton, he does say that, like, he basically threw him out there whenever he was in sort of a meeting with, you know, whether it was President Xi of China or Kim Jong-un, to kind of scare them and to shock them.
And then Donald Trump being, you know, the pragmatist or the realist of foreign policy would offer him more restraints and a sober, I sort of, I guess you could say, pretty sober perspective and approach to diplomacy.
I mean, Trump ultimately is a peacekeeper, and the global situation was very peaceful, I think, during his administration, especially compared to today.
It's amazing as you said going back to the original question sort of the contrast between what you see from the old guard the neoconservatives and Sort of the up-and-comer and feedback Rabbi Maswami Yeah, and I mean You know 2016 was almost like a revolution right you had a lot of these people were it seemed sort of thrown out of
Conservative politics one and that was like a clear repudiation of the establishment And for four years it seemed like the the Trump wing of the party really was on the ascendant It certainly is and has been with the people But I guess I always wonder like for people like Nikki Haley or especially Mike Pence. I mean Who who is their constituency?
Q and C.
Who looks back on the past eight years and thinks, man, I really want to vote for Mike Pence.
I really wish he was our president.
You don't have the Trumpsters who want to vote for him.
You don't have anybody in the middle.
The left hates him. They like him whenever it comes to election fraud and stuff like that, but as a person, they hate him.
It just makes me wonder, what do these people even think they're going to get out of this?
I mean, the thinking in 2016 and picking Mike Pence on the ticket was to win over evangelicals, especially those who might have been a little on the fence regarding Donald Trump because of his rhetoric at the time.
Obviously, since then, they've come around to Donald Trump and are among the various constituencies and demographics.
They're among his greatest supporters.
So at this point, I don't know who Mike Pence's constituency is, even among donors.
I mean, who is actually putting money into this guy?
I mean, this guy, I guess his charisma and I guess his relatableness maybe in a state like Iowa might be I mean, this guy is... I feel bad for this guy.
I feel sorry for the people who keep putting him out there.
He's almost as bad as Joe Biden or John Fetterman.
And this guy supposedly has his mental faculties to him.
He's incapable of being a normal human being on the debate stage.
You know, that's their problem.
They have to be concerned about it.
So I guess in that regard, Mike Pence is a little bit more polished.
But other than that, yeah, I don't see a constituency that would rally around someone like Mike Pence.
I mean, even the evangelicals, I think, have turned on him because they see his sort of shtick, his Christianity as almost like inauthentic or phony at this point.
I think In many cases, he tries to oversell it on the campaign trail, and as a result, people are put off by that.
And not to mention the fact he did not do his job in 2020 in following President Trump's orders, not to overturn the election results.
I mean, the mainstream media always says Donald Trump told him to reject the electors.
No, he just wanted it to be investigated by a congressional committee.
He just wanted Mike Pence to follow the legal advice of someone like John Eastman, who put out a really, really solid legal memo at that time, which we might get into a little bit later.
But he wasn't asking him to overturn an election.
He was just asking him to do his constitutional duty, given all of the evidence of fraud that was certainly available at that time and which has since been vindicated in the years since then.
So, you know, right.
I mean, they call him Judas Pence for a reason.
That's sort of the nickname that's been attached to Mike Pence.
And he's always going to be seen as a traitor to the American people and the MAGA movement, especially to Donald Trump and his supporters.
So he's never going to win any favors or win the support back He was lucky in the first place to have been awarded the vice presidential post given the fact that he was basically a failing governor off to irrelevancy.
He would have gone the same way as Chris Christie if not for Donald Trump kind of swooping in and saving his fledgling political career at that point in time.
But he has no political capital left.
He has no support behind him.
And, you know, he's going to be in for a crude awakening if he hasn't already.
He kind of recognized that at this point.
Yeah, yeah, seriously.
And I think you made a good point.
Well, both about Pence, but also about DeSantis.
One of the things that... People talk about, I think, way too often in politics, is they attribute the failings of a candidate to their advisors.
And you see this with DeSantis all the time, is why are his advisors forcing him to do this?
Why are his advisors making him talk like this or smile, like giving that goofy, awkward smile that he gave in the debate last week?
But I think at the end of the day, and this is why people like Trump, It's not really up to the advisors to do this stuff.
At the end of the day, it comes down to the candidate.
Being a likable, relatable person that people want to talk to and want to hear from, that's kind of the foundational part of politics.
Running for office isn't just about being a smart person or about being an effective administrator.
It's about actually relating to people.
I mean, this is a people business.
I find it so interesting that everything that these candidates do wrong is written off to advisors.
Yeah, well, that's because most of these candidates, actually pretty much all of them, are not true visionaries.
They're not builders.
I mean, Donald Trump is a builder, and part of the reason why he's been so successful is he's been able to basically adapt his skills that led him to becoming a success in private business, in private life, in real estate, and building golf courses.
I was just at his beautiful Bedminster course just this last week.
And he's been able to adopt that skill set in the context of politics and build this massive coalition, put out a positive vision for the country, one that is tangible, that American people, regular American people could easily grasp, build the wall, clean up the streets, stop recklessly spending on NATO and the Middle East, on foreign policy, law and order.
These are tangible policies that affect and are easily graspable, or easily, you know, regular people understand them.
And he speaks in a language that regular people can understand.
And he's able to deliver results, which none of these other people on the stage can do.
Look at Chris Christie.
By the time he was basically laughed out of office he had 8% approval ratings.
To his credit, Ron DeSantis has been able to accomplish some things of notoriety and of merit within the state of Florida as governor, but he should have stayed there and continued to build upon his record of success.
Now I think Floridians have zero respect for him at this point.
I don't think he'll be even able to salvage a political career once he is inevitably ousted from our presidential political arena at this point.
Vivek Ramaswamy for his part is a self-made multi-millionaire.
I think his net worth is in the hundreds of millions of dollars to his credit.
I know he made his earnings, his wealth in the pharmaceutical industry.
That's something that people might have questions about.
It's not as tangible as something like a physical building, which Donald Trump could easily point to and say, yeah, that's mine.
That's part of my portfolio.
People drive past it every day and see the golds.
You know, brand of the Trump name.
People could trust it.
It's something that lends itself to being easily authentic and something that's trustworthy.
So that's why Donald Trump is the frontrunner.
That's why he always has been the frontrunner.
That's why he's so successful where the other candidates aren't.
That's why he's able to find that type of success.
Right. You referenced it here, but you've spent a lot of time with Trump recently.
And I think one of the really unique things about President Trump is the enormous amount of just nonsense that he deals with nonstop.
You get four indictments, over 90 counts against him while he's trying to run a political campaign.
He's got all kinds of businesses, which I know he's kind of put to the side for now, but there's a lot going on that the indictments alone most people would not be able to handle.
So How was he whenever you were with him?
How's he doing? Well, I met with him actually twice over the past two weeks.
The Sunday at the golf course during the LIV tournament, which was the sort of golf tournament that recently merged with the PGA, but prior to that they were sort of this independent golf tournament that came about to challenge I guess you could say the woke PGA. They didn't go woke too much as other sports leagues, but it was an alternative to the mainstream competition.
He was very happy that day.
He was in good spirits, even though the next day he received news of this Fannie Willis indictment in the state of Georgia.
He was talking about building.
He was talking about how he put together the golf course.
He was very happy, optimistic.
He Saw all the love of the people who attended the course.
Many people were there to watch golf, but many more were there just to see him and to celebrate in everything that he's going through right now.
He was throwing out MAGA hats into the crowd, signing autographs all day.
He was in very, very good spirits.
It was a beautiful, sunny day.
You know, he was as good as you can be given all the weight of the world that's on his shoulders.
So he's, you know, he could, the fact that he's able to do this, you know, no other human being would be able to put up with this much opposition and evil.
That's what it frankly is.
It's evil, it's satanic forces that are going after him and be in such good spirits.
And even at 77 years old, he looked better than ever.
He looked vibrant, healthy, spry.
So he was very, very high energy.
And he was in a good mood as well.
This past week, I saw him also at Bedminster's for an event honoring January 6th victims.
It was called the Patriot Freedom Project.
And it was a shorter visit by him.
He looked a little... You know, facing this Georgia indictment the next day where he got the mugshot and all the rest that's going after him.
I mean, he still was in good spirits and everything, but you could tell that there was more going on, more on his plate this past week.
So it was a shorter visit, but overall I think he's doing very well given everything else, given what's after him right now.
Right, right. And he seems to have...
He understands what's going on, is the best way to put it.
And you've written a lot about the recent indictments.
And if anybody's interested in a pretty thorough debunking of all of these, you can see Paul's substack.
But you put a piece out recently where I think you kind of zoomed out and said...
Let's just look at the big picture here.
And really, the point of this, you know, they want to lock Trump up.
They want to get him out of this.
But the punishment is also just the indictment itself.
It's going to cost millions of dollars to fight this.
It's going to suck up a lot of the president's time and resources.
That alone is the punishment against him.
So tell us a little bit more about that.
Well, I think we've been living through this really since the moment he descended the escalator.
I mean, they've thrown everything at him.
They call him Teflon Don.
He has an infinite number of lives, but they try to slow down the process, whether it was Russia, Russia, Russia, with the Mueller investigation that consumed basically the first half of his time in office, the various impeachments against him, both during office and then when he left office.
He just had to deal with a mountain of opposition from the deep state, from the both-party establishments, Now he's going through these various indictments.
I call it legalistic bloodletting because basically in America the punishment is processed.
In American law, basically all law comes down to process.
And even if all of these claims are I think we're good to go.
this is a great indignity in and of itself.
The fact that he had to go down to the degenerate Georgia swamp and get a mug shot and go through that in the middle of a presidential campaign that's of the highest possible stakes, dealing with his own party still against him.
He's going through hell right now and the punishment is just dragging him through all of this, which he shouldn't be going through.
If he had those four years back in his original term in office and didn't have to deal with all this other nonsense, think how much more he could have accomplished for this country.
I think this frustrates him incredibly because In the private sector, when he was just in business, he had a lot of opposition against him then, but he was able to accomplish his goals, his vision fairly quickly, whereas in politics, everything takes forever.
It's a totally different world, and people don't want productive people in politics, simply put.
They want... It's not a system that is conducive to builders, to people who want to bring forth their vision in a timely manner and have great things to offer.
The system is called managed decline.
They want to drag everyone down to the lowest common denominator, which is Totally antithetical with someone like Donald Trump, who's a builder who wants to raise people up and who wants to accomplish as much as he can, given the limited time he has in politics and wherever else it may be.
I think that's the greatest frustration for him.
If he has any sense of resentment or frustration or regret, it's just having to deal with all of this nonsense, all of this BS that he has to deal with.
You know going back to the original question that that's basically what I was speaking to in terms of The punishment here because we know he's going to be exonerated and all these Alleged crimes. I mean, they're not crimes. This is totally contrived by Merrick Garland by the DOJ you know and all the rest but he just even if he is exonerated the fact that like he had to go through this process and be acquitted be exonerated in the first
Place is a ridiculous indignity in and of itself and he should not have to be going through that right Yeah. And I think that that's...
Those are all the things that people love about him, though, is that they know that he's the one who can go through this.
He's the one who's going to get punched and come back swinging 10 times harder.
That's why we voted for him in 2016 and 2020, and we will again in 2024.
So, Paul, thanks for joining us.
It's good to talk, and I appreciate it.
Thank you so much, Brian. It was a pleasure today.
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Well, that wraps up things for today.
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