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Nov. 10, 2022 - Dinesh D'Souza
47:26
THE PATH FORWARD Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep454
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Hey guys, I'm still here in Florida, making my way back, but trying to get around the, well, the passing hurricane.
And today I'm going to talk more about the results of the midterms, some encouraging news out of New York that is going to help secure the House.
Debbie and I are going to talk together about whether there are issues the Democrats have been able to effectively exploit against us and how we deal with that, and also the issue of election integrity.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Show.
America needs this voice.
The times are crazy and a time of confusion, division, and lies.
We need a brave voice of reason, understanding, and truth.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
Guys, I'm stuck in Florida, and I spoke yesterday at a terrific event.
This was organized in The Villages.
The Villages is a massive community in the Orlando area.
I mean, I was kind of amazed.
I haven't toured the place, but I've heard a lot about The Villages.
Our films play there, by the way, all the time.
They do extremely well.
And it stretches for something like 70 miles, just hundreds, maybe thousands of homes.
In any event, this event was held at a local resort.
There were 400 people, and naturally they were fired up, but they were also kind of worried.
They wanted an assessment from me about election integrity, and they also wanted a...
I wanted to know what the road ahead is.
So that's what I'm kind of titling this podcast today, The Road or The Path Ahead.
And I'm going to give you a few initial thoughts.
Then Debbie's going to join me. The two of us are going to talk together.
Now, I do want to say that I'm flying back to Texas tomorrow.
In fact, I'm at the mercy of the Orlando airport.
The airport is closed today.
I'm actually staying near the airport.
So it was kind of an eerie feeling.
Reminded me a little bit of the immediate aftermath of 9-11.
I'm driving around the airport, and there's like not a person in sight, not a car in sight.
But in any event, Friday tomorrow, I'll be making my way back.
And so I can't do the podcast tomorrow.
So my plan with Debbie is the following.
We're gonna do the podcast, Friday's podcast on Saturday.
I'm going to record it at the studio.
I always record it at in Texas and I'll upload it on Saturday.
So you won't see a podcast tomorrow.
Don't worry about it. It's because Dinesh is en route, making his way back to home base.
And the podcast, Friday's podcast, will be up on Saturday.
And then I'll resume, of course, normally on Monday.
Now, I had an opportunity yesterday to talk to quite a few people about kind of their take on what's going on.
And their take on what's going on is that this was a missed opportunity for the GOP. Now, it's not as if the Republicans are in bad shape.
It's almost like, you know, if we have an army and we're on the battlefield, we have advanced.
We have actually taken territory.
If we have the House, that alone will allow us to bootstrap, to hogtie, to block Biden's legislative agenda for two more years.
So think of the things that Biden got through, and there wasn't a whole lot he got through, but he got through a couple of big spending bills.
One was a kind of COVID relief package, and the other was the so-called modified Build Back Better that Manchin, in the end, ended up voting for.
But... But the Republicans were kind of powerless to block these things.
Why? Because Democrats control the House, albeit narrowly.
They control the Senate because of the ability of Kamala Harris to break a tie.
And of course, they have the presidency.
You need all of that for a bill to become a law.
So what happens now is that the Republicans will be able to say nyet or no to Biden.
That alone is a very good thing.
In the Senate, we're going to see.
But it's possible the Democrats could gain a seat.
I don't think they will. But the other possibility is that it will remain 50-50.
And the third possibility is the Republicans will gain a seat or two.
So that's really where we are.
And we're not going to find out until probably early December why.
Because that's when Herschel Walker goes up against Warnock in the runoff.
And it might come down to that.
Now, let's look at places where we have not heard yet.
We haven't really got results out of Arizona.
Obviously, if Blake Masters is able to pull it out against Mark Kelly, that's probably the toughest of the Arizona races.
Debbie and I were talking about this yesterday.
Debbie goes, I don't think he's going to get there, but he is pretty close.
And there are a lot of votes that are still uncounted.
I believe that Carrie Lake is going to win against Katie Hobbs.
Carrie Lake was on Tucker Carlson, and she's like, I'm 100% confident I'm going to win it.
And I think she's right.
There are a lot of uncounted votes, and the uncounted votes are mainly the votes coming in from Election Day.
So those are falling down. Kind of heavily for Carrie Lake.
So we've had this eerie feeling that how can Katie Hobbs, who barely campaigns, such an incompetent candidate, make such insensitive remarks about Hispanics?
How is it even possible that she's leading?
Well, it's possible because they count votes in a very strange way.
Debbie's going to come on the podcast a little bit later.
We're going to talk about this strange business about Maricopa County.
I mean, how can it be that here we are a couple of days past the election?
Well, moving toward the end of the week, And they have large troves of votes that have apparently been uncounted.
What's going on? How is it that other places, smaller than the United States, are able to promptly, efficiently, and accurately count their votes and deliver the result on the same night?
We used to be able to do that in this country.
And yes, we have these new forms of technology, but isn't technology supposed to make things better?
Well, when we come back, I'm going to talk about the road ahead for Trump and the road ahead for DeSantis.
This is of course a big topic on the mind of a lot of Republicans.
What is the way ahead?
And I'm going to give you my initial thoughts on that matter.
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To get the discounts, you need to use promo code DINESHDINESH. I'm back and we're talking about the midterms and some results have come in in the last day or so.
In fact, Debbie and I were talking together about the results out of New York.
A number of congressional races that were poised kind of on the knife's edge or were right in the middle have tipped over into the Republican column.
Let's remember, by the way, we think of New York, we're like, wow, New York, really?
What? But New York is fairly conservative outside of New York City.
So as you begin to move Long Island, as you move upstate, Republicanism is not uncommon.
And in some ways, it's even the majority.
So it's only because of the dense population of New York that New York is a safely, by and large, Democratic state.
But what you have here is races that had about an equal number of Republicans and Democrats, or maybe even Democratic-leaning falling the Republican way.
Now, what does this mean? Well, it basically helps us in the House.
And we have to give credit to this guy, Lee Zeldin.
Lee Zeldin ran against Kathy Hochul for the governor's race, and he lost, but he lost pretty narrowly.
I mean, if you look at those numbers between Zeldin and Hochul, I mean, Hochul won it pretty cleanly.
But it was not the normal blowout.
It wasn't something where Hochul got 60 and Zeldin got 40.
It was something where these guys were just a few points apart.
And what that means is that Zeldin had a sort of coattail in New York.
He was able to pull up some of the other Republicans.
By the way, this is just a confirmation of how politics works in teams.
In other words, if you do well at the top of the ballot, You often do better at the bottom of the ballot.
One of the anomalies of 2020 was that Trump lost, but Republicans down ballot did pretty well.
This is an anomaly that I think about as I put the film together, 2,000 Meals, and also wrote the accompanying book.
Now, there's a lot of inner debate among Republicans about Trump and DeSantis.
Who's the guy for 2024?
And it seems to me that some of this debate is a little bit premature.
First of all, there's a rather intemperate Trump's to blame kind of rhetoric that I'm seeing even from some Republicans who had previously allied with Trump.
But what they seem to be saying is that Trump only cares about himself.
Trump doesn't care about the party.
Trump doesn't care about the country.
I don't think this is actually true.
Debbie and I, we've had this exposure to Trump over the past couple of years.
In fact, it's all kind of new for us because we didn't know Trump.
When Trump pardoned me, I'd never met the guy.
I'd spoken to him once briefly on another matter on the phone.
But we've now had a chance to see Trump up close Four or five times and also have some fairly in-depth conversations with him.
And we get the sense that Trump is actually a very good guy.
In fact, often the real Trump is not that visible because what you see are his public skirmishes and his drive-by attacks on various characters and various opponents.
And you get the idea that you've got this irascible, intemperate, and hugely egotistical guy.
And it's only when you sit down with Trump that you realize that he's actually quite introspective.
He's self-reflective.
He's not actually personally egotistical.
And he's very much motivated by the country.
So think of it.
Here you have a guy who doesn't have to be doing all this.
I mean, who likes to be? Does any normal human beings subject themselves to this kind of vitriolic, intemperate, and most importantly, unceasing attack?
And the answer is no.
Normal people don't like this.
And normal people who are, well, I can't say normal people who are billionaires because normal people aren't billionaires.
But if you're a billionaire, would you?
Would you put yourself in this?
No. Most people would say, I'll get out of the field.
I've got a beautiful life.
Mar-a-Lago's a lot nicer than the White House.
Who wants to really be in the world?
Let somebody else deal with those problems.
So I think it seems very unfair to be making Trump the scapegoat here, especially considering that there are a lot of other problems we have to deal with.
Look at, if there's one guy who seems to be very focused on himself, his own power, it's Mitch McConnell.
Mitch McConnell pulled money, millions of dollars, out of the Blake Masters race.
Think of it, a race that is completely winnable, and he deploys this money to Alaska, where he's trying to save Lisa Murkowski against Kelly Chewbacca.
I mean, this is just inexcusable.
It's outrageous. And so if you want to direct your emphasis, your venom, your leverage somewhere...
It should be in changing the leadership in the House and in the Senate.
I saw a really cool tweet from Matt Gaetz.
And he goes, McConnell.
And he goes, McCarthy.
McDaniel. He goes, McFailure.
I mean, we are seeing a failure on the institutional leadership front by people who, by the way, do control the agenda and do control resources.
Think about it. I mean, Trump has an endorsement power, but he's sitting in Mar-a-Lago.
Mitch McConnell is the guy who runs leadership packs, deploys funds into particular races.
Rona McDaniel, of course, is the head of the RNC. So, yes, I do think we can learn a lot from DeSantis.
Probably one of the smartest things that DeSantis did and has done over the past couple of years, quite apart from running the state very well, has been to build up his own base, build up his own empire.
It's almost like he treats Florida like his own country.
And he's like, okay, I'm running Florida.
I'm going to build up my own donor base.
I'm going to build up my own political organization.
And so he's done that really effectively.
Whereas the other candidates are, I've got to go run to Trump for an endorsement.
I've got to go run to Mitch McConnell for money.
So you have this parasitic apparatus in the Republican Party that's always looking to somebody else to save you.
Whereas the lesson of DeSantis is there is a way to save yourself.
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Feel the difference. I'm continuing my discussion of Republicans and the midterms.
Now, I haven't seen any data on this, but I was looking at social media and a couple of analysts whom I trust talked about a last-minute upsurge of votes for the Democrats by young people.
Now, for a lot of Republicans, this is like, yeah, I mean, we know, sure, young people, what do you expect?
First of all, these guys haven't experienced life, and so they are, yes, idealists, so to speak, but just wait till they turn 30, or they turn 40, and they have lives, and they have families, and they have economic, practical things to deal with, mortgage payments and taxes, and deal with inflation.
And all of this is going to yank them from the left, where they belong now, to the right.
And there is an element of truth to this, I suppose, which is to say that I've seen examples and cases of people who were like, you know, I used to be a Democrat in college, but man, now that I know what the world is like, and I know how difficult it is to make things meet, make ends meet... I'm going to be voting for the party that protects my economic welfare, that protects me.
So you do have this economic basis for people moving right.
But it's also, and there's been a lot of data on this, a lot of people's political opinions are forged at a pretty young age.
In other words, in their late teens and early 20s.
And this I know has been true of Debbie and me.
Debbie met Reagan when she was 14.
She became a Republican in a sense then, or she recognized that she was.
She's a Republican now.
I became a young Reaganite in college in the early 1980s.
Look at me now. So, in other words, regardless of the sort of vicissitudes of life, that kind of anchoring of our basic convictions remains the same.
Obviously, we have a big problem with the universities becoming propaganda factories.
I mean, the universities were tilted to the left even three and four decades ago.
I experienced it myself.
And so that tilt is very bad for us because young people, it's not so much that young people are persuaded by their professors, it's just that young people are almost programmed from the time they come to college to believe, my professor knows more than I do.
My professor, in a sense, is somebody who has a deep understanding of the issues that I'm here to learn about.
And so if my professor thinks that things are pointing in the left-wing direction, well, he knows better than I do.
So there's a sort of identification, an intellectual identification.
And the other thing is that particularly if you go to an elite college, you tend to think that the way to be cool is to talk like your deans and talk like your administrators and talk like your professors.
So... The point I want to make is that these young people are being lost to our side because the left has installed a mechanism for, in a sense, it's almost like this is their programming for years.
So we need to think about this because another way of saying it is that we have to deal with the cultural underpinnings of politics.
We can't say, all right, we'll let academia go, we'll let the media go, we'll let Hollywood go, we'll let country music go, and somehow we're still going to remain competitive politically over the long term.
No. Over the long term, all these kind of built-in tilts are going to hurt us.
When I spoke on campus in the 1990s, I found that I was able to relate to young people because, at the very least, there was an openness to hearing from the other side.
Sure, there was a faction that was intolerant, but the ordinary kid in college was like, hey, listen, I want to hear a speaker who says something different than my professors do.
I want to be able to process that for myself.
I think one of the things that's happened more recently is that that has changed.
And what I mean is that these young people are not exposed at all to rival points of view.
If you ask them, what is conservatism?
They would say, well, you know, it sounds to me like fascism, Dinesh.
Well, what I'm getting at is that they are getting a highly tendentious, one-sided perspective, and they never hear about conservatism from From conservatives.
They never hear about the Republican Party from Republicans.
And so they have a highly caricatured, distorted view.
And as a result, that view, in a sense, is never challenged.
When it's challenged later, their minds are so hardened, so set, that they're not even really listening.
So this, I think, is a, well, it's a political problem.
It's also an intellectual problem because it means that our universities are increasingly not about learning at all.
And this is a very serious problem that we have to deal with.
This is the fact that young people today have a very economically uncertain future.
And part of the reason for that is that they are being ripped off by the very colleges that are indoctrinating them.
So these colleges have taken prices to a ridiculous level.
They've put students in a position where they have to borrow large amounts of money.
This is, by the way, why students are looking for debt relief.
They wouldn't need debt relief if they didn't have to take out these kind of Jumbo or gargantuan loans and very often they are being steered into subjects where they learn, well they don't learn a whole lot, but what they learn is unrelated to their ability to make a good living.
So in other words, they get this quote education, they've spent all this money, but they have no realistic way to pay things back.
And so socialism in this environment appears to be something that's going to come to your rescue.
In a sense, somebody else is going to step in the gap.
Somebody else is going to foot the bill.
Remember, these are kids whose parents have been footing the bill all along.
And when their parents step aside, they go, hey, listen, why not the government?
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The results of the midterm election were, I would say, only a disaster in the sense that we should have done so much better.
Biden's policies have horrific effects.
People directly experienced those effects, so it should have been a complete wipeout.
It's almost like one of those early battles of the Civil War where Lincoln would say, in a sense, you know, why don't we finish off the Confederacy?
Yeah, we were able to hold our own.
Yeah, we were able to advance a few yards or even a few miles, but we're not even close to taking Atlanta.
Why is that? We have a much bigger army.
We have much greater resources.
And so we need to ask some tough questions of our own side as we think about what happened this week.
Debbie joins me, and Debbie has some interesting thoughts about two issues that we haven't paid a lot of attention to, in part because we have strong convictions about them, we're kind of dug in on them, but they can pose certain election problems for us.
Honey, start by telling people about, we were in Michigan for an event I did with Grand Rapids Right to Life.
It was a tremendous, great event, 1,300 people.
But we learned a lot about this Proposal 3.
Which was coming up on the ballot and in fact has now been voted upon.
Talk a little bit about Proposal 3, what it does, but also kind of the deceptive way that it's framed so that people are, they don't really know what it does.
Prop 3 basically gives Michigan women the right to have an abortion at any time in their pregnancy, including 9 months.
If it's a teen pregnancy, they do not need parental consent to have the abortion.
This is horrible.
This is something that That is a strike against the right to life.
But they framed it very, they were very sneaky in the way that they used the language in the proposal.
For example, they said that this proposal, Proposal 3, was the constitutional right to reproductive freedom.
So when you say that, you are in essence saying, listen, the right to your reproductive freedom only belongs to you and your doctor.
But it's between you and your doctor.
The government has no right to tell you when you can have an abortion, when you can get contraception, etc., etc.
So, of course, the vast majority of people voted for this proposition, voted yes for this proposition.
Now, I made the analogy yesterday with my mother.
I said, you know, what if on a proposition, just, you know, any given state, they put in the proposition that murder would be legal?
Just murder, in general.
You could murder your neighbor, you could murder whoever you want, right?
How many people would vote for this?
Obviously, not very many, right?
Except for maybe a mass murderer himself, a serial killer, whatever.
But you're not going to...
You cannot win an argument when you don't understand what you're voting for, right?
Right. And unfortunately, I have found that, you know, and I've been a part of this movement for many, many years.
I would say probably 20 years.
But the problem is in the messaging.
We have not made the case for life.
We just haven't.
Danielle wrote a beautiful book about it.
And, you know, it was really...
I feel like it was the answer to, you know, the best argument about not having an abortion because it is the life of a child.
You know, having an abortion is murder.
And she made the perfect case for it.
But unfortunately, we have, as a party, we have not...
So, women still believe that it is their choice, that it is their body, their body, their choice, and they don't know that they're actually murdering a baby.
And so, unfortunately, when voters go to the polls, they vote for a proposal that they think is just about them, not about their baby.
So abortion. The other one that I found very interesting was that most midterm voters support stricter gun control.
Again, we feel as Texans and as Second Amendment proponents that everyone likes to have guns, but that's just not the case.
And with all of these shootings, school shootings, Yuvalde, all of that, voters want stricter gun control laws.
And so unfortunately, the Democrats know how to capitalize on that.
And we, as Republicans, do not.
We don't have any solutions, really, for having people, you know, background checks, whatever.
We know that that's not what prevents gun violence.
We know that, but we just don't know how to articulate it.
So, anyway, those are the two issues.
Yes. Yeah, it seems like we just make a resounding affirmation of gun rights and leave it at that without addressing what's causing these shootings.
Here are three things that we can do to address them.
So you're saying that these are two issues we just need to think harder about and be more effective in our communications about.
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Or go to balanceofnature.com and use discount code AMERICA. You know, guys, what's so strange is here we are coming toward the weekend, and we still don't have results out of Arizona, and we don't have results out of Nevada.
Inexplicable delays.
Now, in Arizona, there were problems on election day itself, problems specifically in Maricopa County.
And remember, Maricopa County, a very important county, the Phoenix area.
But in Nevada, where those problems were not reported, here we are days later, and they're still, quote, counting.
How long does it take to count?
So I thought Debbie and I could talk a little bit about the problems that we have in these seemingly, again, the interesting, honey, that these problems are in swing states.
Yes. I don't know if it's just because we are focused on them because they're swing states or if somehow, mysteriously, the problems tend to develop in precisely the states which are going to deliver to us in this case.
I mean, look, if Adam Laxall beats Cortez Masto in Nevada and Blake Masters wins in Arizona, we have the Senate.
We're not even dependent on the Herschel Walker race in Georgia.
Now, if we lose one of those...
I think we're going to win the Nevada race with Laxalt.
I don't know what's going to happen with Blake Masters.
If Blake Masters loses, we will be then, depending on Herschel Walker, to win in the runoffs in early December.
But talk a little bit about the New York Times and its kind of Yeah, yeah, yeah.
On how Republicans are making a big deal out of nothing.
Yeah, so it says voting machine problems in Arizona fuel right-wing fraud claims, right?
So basically, I heard Carrie Lake yesterday say that there are still 600,000 votes that have not been counted.
Can you believe that? 600,000 votes.
And she's getting very, very close to winning, you know, and she's only a few thousand votes behind.
So anyway, but what happened is about a quarter of the voting sites...
I mean, they, you know, they either they couldn't read the print, the ink wasn't dark enough.
I mean, they just had all kinds of issues.
So, you know, Kerry has been has been urging people vote on Election Day, vote on Election Day.
And and unfortunately, people that did go on Election Day, some of them were turned away.
And they had no recourse, right?
So they didn't actually, their vote didn't count, basically.
So that's a problem in Maricopa County.
They need to fix this because, you know, so it says a series of technical glitches.
This is the New York Times. Well, you know, I don't understand how they can say baseless.
Because when things like this happen...
What else are we going to say?
I mean, can you imagine if it was the other way around?
These people would be going nuts!
So anyway, it's really annoying, I guess, when they claim that we're baseless claims of this and that, but yet they don't fix their machines.
They don't fix their ability to have a well-run election.
I don't know why they don't do that.
I mean, you had problems with the tabulating machines in Maricopa County.
By the way, there was a county in Pennsylvania that ran out of paper.
So think about that.
And when these are closed states, remember that in 2020, the margin in Arizona...
It was something like 11,000 votes.
So it's not as if this doesn't make a difference.
These aren't glitches if they're delivering the election one way or the other.
If you're able to discourage even a small percentage of people from voting, wow, you're kind of basically rigging the election.
So the impact has to be considered.
The second point to remember here in 2022, who is running the election in Arizona?
Katie Hobbs. Katie Hobbs is the Secretary of State.
Now, Carrie Lake said from the beginning of the campaign, Katie Hobbs, you should step down.
You can't run an election that you're running in.
And yet Katie Hobbs is like, no, no, no, no, no.
This reminds me a little bit of these jurors in D.C. in the January 6th trials where they're like, yeah, I work for the government.
Yeah, my company has contracts with the Capitol, but you know what?
I can be objective. So in other words, here you've got An apparatus conducting the election that has a stake in the election.
So I think that concerns about this.
And by the way, no one is saying that they stole the election in 2022.
Carrie Lake and me and others, we've been very responsible in highlighting these problems and saying that they need to be fixed.
And one of the things that Carrie Lake goes, listen, if I get in, if I'm elected or when I'm elected, I'm going to make sure that this kind of nonsense doesn't happen again.
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We are now in an environment where even though we are on the other side of COVID, Biden says that the epidemic is over, many of the voting rules that were put in place for COVID in 2020 are still in place now.
And what that means is long periods of early voting, Mail-in ballots and mail-in ballot drop boxes.
Unfortunately, some of the things that should have happened between 2020 and now, I mean, some have been happening, but not fast enough.
For example, surveillance on all the drop boxes.
Now, Debbie and I have been talking about this because the Republican Party and leading Republicans seem to have a very simple solution.
Let's have one election day.
And even if we don't have one election day, we, the Republicans, should go out and vote on election day.
That's sort of the right thing to do.
It's the only way to do it because that's the way we used to do it.
And so it's almost like we have framed our own habits of election conduct while the Democrats are playing a totally different game.
And I think this actually may be giving them a built-in advantage.
Debbie agrees with me, and I wanted to explain from her point of view what this advantage is and why she thinks that we as conservatives, as Republicans, need to think a little bit differently about all this.
Right. So, you know, I've been a part, well, I was an election judge.
I was an election poll worker.
So I've kind of been in the midst of the election, you know, vote counting for a while.
And obviously not since we've been married, but before that.
I always early voted.
And, you know, as you know, since we've been married and after you were pardoned, you were able to vote again.
We always go early.
Now, the reason I think it's okay to do that is, number one, you're going in person to vote, right?
You're not sending in a mail-in ballot.
You're actually going in person.
But the other thing is that if there are any irregularities on election day, you don't get another chance.
You either vote that day or you don't vote at all.
And if there are any issues in early voting, you have the opportunity to go for the next two weeks, right?
You have every day, really, they open typically from like 7 to 7 p.m.
or 7 to 5 p.m.
And so you can keep going until you are able to vote.
So I don't believe in this go one day, go election day, because unfortunately, if there are any problems, you may not be able to actually vote.
So I don't believe in that.
Well, I have an added thought about this, and I was listening to someone from one of the Republican campaigns, and he said, look, when Republicans vote on Election Day, it's almost like they're making a purchase, right?
In other words, the Republican Party is trying to sell voters on voting for the Republicans, and he says that the purchase is being completed on Election Day.
So as a result, the sales team, in this case the campaign, has to keep spending money buying ads, sending out e-blasts.
They have to reach out to this voter all the way until election day to get his or her vote.
Right?
It's not like that with the Democrats.
The Democrats go, listen, we'll put 50 to 60 percent of our votes in the bag, let's just say two weeks before or even a month before.
We'll get these votes locked in so we're done with them.
We don't have to reach out to those voters.
We don't have to advertise on those precincts.
We can now focus our money, our resources, our time on getting new voters, independent voters to come in on election day.
So those are then become, it's almost like they get to build up their bank account along the way.
We kind of hold back.
We go, listen, let's keep the bank account empty.
No money in the bank account.
We're going to put all our dollar bills on one single day.
So it's not simply the matter of if the left comes up with some blockages on Election Day, basically you're shafted, but it's also the fact that it's more efficient for a campaign to organize getting the money in the bank account, so to speak, on an ongoing basis, culminating in Election Day. So I think the point we're trying to make is that that we are mandating our own side as a campaign. It's kind of like our
military says, only attack on Friday.
Their military is launching attacks Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and then they ramp it up on Friday so that by the time even Thursday comes along, they've already advanced all this territory.
We've made no progress at all.
We are banking on one single day to deliver the goods.
So all of this is just a way of saying that, look, I mean, in principle, I favor one-day elections, but we've got to realize...
We live in a country where the Constitution empowers each state to make its election rules.
There's gonna be early voting in some places.
There are gonna be mail and drop boxes in other places.
California has legalized ballot harvesting.
So my point is, when they have early voting, vote early if you can.
And when they have, you know, if ballot harvesting is allowed in California, they're doing it in the black churches, they're doing it in low-income apartment housing complexes.
You know what? We need to do it in the megachurches.
We need to do it in Vietnamese communities.
We need to basically find places where we can harvest large amounts of votes.
These votes are legal.
Anyone can collect them.
Anyone can deliver them.
And so the point being, we need to play the game by the same rules that the Democrats are playing.
Otherwise, we are at a built-in disadvantage.
So basically, we follow the rules of engagement and they don't.
I want to kind of close out my discussion of the Russian writer Mikhail Zoshenko by briefly outlining the plots of a couple of his short stories.
These are two of my favorites.
They're both highly amusing.
Well, in the first one, which has an ideological component, a man who is a kind of minor Soviet official comes home and tells his wife that the Russian government, the Soviet government, is starting a new literacy program.
And because he's a government official, he goes, I've got to implement this literacy program in my own home, and you, my wife, are illiterate.
You've never learned to read or write, so you've got to start learning.
And his wife goes, don't talk such nonsense.
I've gone 55 years without learning to read or write.
What's the point of me starting now?
So... Here you see Zoshenko contrasting this sort of Soviet desire to impose progress throughout the countryside with ordinary peasants who grow crops and live their lives and raise their kids.
And so the wife is like, I've never had the need for this before.
So she tells her husband, listen, you can read and write.
That's enough for the whole family.
You do your job.
Leave me to do mine.
And so as the plot proceeds, the woman never learns to read or write.
But about six months after her husband approached her with this idea, she notices that a letter arrives outside their farm.
A letter for them.
The letter is addressed to her husband.
And so normally she doesn't bother, but I mean, they never get letters.
These are farm people after all.
And her husband's business is transacted at work.
So she takes this letter and she sort of kind of looks at it.
But of course she can't read it.
And so she doesn't know what to do and she puts the letter to the side.
Her husband is actually away on business.
And over time, her curiosity gets the better of her.
She's like, who wrote this letter?
And she begins to look at the letter really closely and she even starts sniffing it.
And she notices a very tiny aroma of perfume.
Perfume. And she goes, wait, this sounds like it's coming from the city, but more than that, it sounds like it's coming from a woman.
What is this woman?
Who is this person writing my husband?
And about what? So she can't stand it.
She steams open the envelope.
She looks at the writing, but of course, she can't make head or tail of it.
She can't read.
She's illiterate. And so for a while, for a couple of weeks, she just sits there, does nothing, kind of thinks about it, but it bothers her.
And so she goes, you know what?
I'm going to sort of start learning to read.
Why? Because I want to read this letter.
I want to find out what this person, whoever it is, is saying to my husband.
Is he doing something behind my back?
Is he carrying on some kind of an affair in the city?
I just have to know.
And so the woman, very painstakingly, she goes down to the village.
She finds a person who actually does know how to read and write.
And this guy goes, all right, I'll give you some basic instructions.
And so the days pass and the weeks pass.
And the woman is starting to sort of A little bit, get a grasp of what things mean.
She's learning, well, not the complete language, but a few words here and there.
And so, finally, she's able to go back to the letter and look at it.
And while she can't figure all of it out, she realizes it's nothing more than Soviet government propaganda.
Yeah, there's a female official who has sent this letter, but essentially the letter is all Russian boilerplate propaganda.
Comrade, it is your duty to make sure that the people in your town all learn to read.
Our literacy program is of the greatest importance.
And so she basically laughs.
She tears up the letter, basically gets rid of it and ends her education at this point.
In other words... Her sole purpose of developing a basic literacy was just to make sure that everything was alright at home and her husband wasn't doing something behind her back.
So that's Zoshenko's story about the fate of the Soviet literacy program.
And then another story which I'm just going to kind of touch on has to do with a funeral of a factory worker.
I remember under Soviet communism, the factory workers were, these were the proletariat, these were the people who sort of made the revolution.
And so a factory worker dies.
And Zoshenko writes, well, it's absolutely clear that during his lifetime, no one said anything about him.
And that he himself basically was kind of a nondescript guy.
But now that he's dead, and when they all show up for the funeral, the factory manager and the guy who, the Soviet official for the town, make all these bombastic speeches about how the guy was amazing and the guy was the pillar of the Soviet revolution and the work of the factory couldn't continue without him.
And then they basically say, we need to have a special memorial for this Soviet worker.
Somebody needs to have a band.
We need to have all kinds of celebrations.
And so they turn to the guy's nephew and say, have you organized a band?
And this guy realizes, I better run and organize a band.
And so he does all this, but of course as soon as the funeral is over, the band is already played, the band now wants to be paid.
And the nephew's like, I don't have any money.
He's like, you guys got me all worked up and told me to go get a band.
So I went and got a band.
And then all the Soviet official and the factory manager start fighting with each other and yelling and screaming, blaming each other for undertaking all this expense without paying attention to who's actually going to pay for it.
The government goes, well, we don't have the money.
The factory manager goes, well, I have to produce these products.
I don't have the money. The nephew goes, I don't have the money either.
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