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Nov. 15, 2021 - Dinesh D'Souza
55:48
USS BIDEN Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep218
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Joe Biden's approval is sinking to the bottom of the ocean, and this is not a time for Republicans to say, oh, let's find common ground, oh, let's help him succeed.
No, we want to see the USS Biden at the bottom of the sea.
I'm going to celebrate the federal appeal court decision striking down Biden's vaccine mandate.
In fact, it made me laugh.
Videographer Drew Hernandez, a star witness at the Rittenhouse trial, is going to join me to talk about what he saw on the street that evening.
And I conclude my examination of John Calvin, focusing on his controversial doctrine of predestination.
This is the next Azusa podcast.
America needs this voice.
The times are crazy and a time of confusion, division, and lies.
We need a brave voice of reason, understanding, and truth.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
Joe Biden's approval is simply falling to the floor.
This is the USS Biden going down like the Titanic.
And it's great to watch.
Now, of course, there's a certain type of Republican who's uncomfortable when you say things like this.
They say, well, you know, he's our president, Dinesh.
You know, we've got to try to find common ground.
In fact, this has been kind of the mantra of the 19 Republican senators who voted for the Infrastructure bill joined by a bunch of Republicans in the House.
We've got to find common ground.
We've got to help him succeed.
He is the American president.
Well, I'm really happy to see this American president take a huge hit in public opinion.
And it looks like the criticism of Biden runs deep.
It's not just criticism of his personality or that he's inept.
It's a fundamental disagreement with the direction in which he's taking the country.
Let's look at some of the numbers here.
The latest poll, by the way, is not from Rasmussen or some conservative-leading source.
It's ABC News, conducted in conjunction with The Washington Post.
And it shows that between the two parties, there is now a 10-point spread.
And what that means is that 51% of registered voters say that they would support a Republican on a generic ballot, and 41% say they would go for the Democrat.
Now, that's... That's a giant divide.
In a country closely divided, typically polls show a two to three point spread.
But this 10 point spread, according to ABC, is the biggest lead the GOP has had in 110 polls of this kind conducted by these two news organizations.
It's the biggest lead that Republicans have had in four decades.
Now, The reason that this is significant, and by the way, it all runs in conjunction with Biden's own popularity, which has dropped to 41%.
Now, 41% is a kind of creepy number for Biden because, by and large, if you look at the spread of people in this country, there's about 40% hardcore Democrats.
And there's about 40% hardcore Republicans.
And the country swings based upon the 20% in the middle.
And it looks like, as of now, Biden is winning none or virtually none of those people.
He's lost the independents.
He's even lost a few Democrats.
When you look at the...
Senate races that are coming up in 2022.
There are big Senate races coming up in key states, Arizona, Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, New Hampshire, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin.
Now, these are all swingish states.
And interestingly, the gap between the two parties is even bigger in these swing states than it is in the rest of the country.
In fact, Republicans are up 23 points on a generic ballot in these critical states.
So this is terrible news for the Democrats.
Remember in 2010, just to flash back a decade or so, Republicans were up 6 to 8 points over the Democrats in 2010.
This was a kind of, once people really looked at Obama and realized who he was, realized he was not who he said he was.
There was a wave of national revulsion that spread across the country, and Republicans won 60 seats in the House and seven in the Senate.
It just swung both houses of Congress into the Republican camp, essentially paralyzed Obama for the rest of his term, and he had a similar whopping in the midterms after his re-election.
Now, the important lesson of all this for Republicans is when your enemy is doing so much to essentially commit suicide, let him.
Let Biden commit political suicide.
These guys are not going to back down.
A normal party would say, well, you know, we better trim our sales.
We better moderate. Let's forget about this build back better.
Let's not waste any more money.
No, these guys are not going to do that.
Their idea, in fact, is the opposite.
Let's quickly get all this done so we can win back our popularity.
That's how they think. Well, let him go.
Let him push. But block him on everything we can.
So don't rescue Biden.
That's the message. Don't try to help him.
Now, the three issues that are the key to Biden's dropping popularity are number one, The economy.
And here is where the media cannot protect Biden.
Because when you have inflation, it doesn't just cut into your paycheck.
It cuts into all your savings.
All the money that you've accumulated in your bank account, in your pension fund, in your savings, in your kids' college fund, all of that is depreciating in value because of what Biden is doing to you.
And people know that and they can feel it.
Number two, immigration.
Essentially, Biden has licensed, he has approved, an invasion of America.
And he's done it for purely partisan political reasons.
And people know it. They're disgusted by it.
The Democrats are doing nothing to stop it.
They're even ignoring court decisions about it.
And so this is another primary cause of the dropping popularity ratings.
And finally, schools. Racial indoctrination, critical race theory, all kinds of other nonsense going on.
And I think the remedy here is for parents.
This is a moment of opportunity for conservative parents to run for school board.
Let's take over every school board in the country.
You want to know what you can do about critical race theory?
Well, take over the school board and start firing superintendents and firing teachers.
This, by the way, is not cancel culture.
You have the authority as a school board to set policies for the school district and decide what are the kinds of people you want carrying out your policies.
This is like a corporation in which the board of directors decides we don't like the CEO. They're not canceling him.
He's an incompetent fool.
Let's get rid of him. Well, we have an incompetent fool who's driving our ship of state.
There's not much we can do about him right now.
But let's mobilize against him, persuading and drawing the country together as much as we can against these Democrats.
And let's watch the U.S. as Biden continue to go slowly, down, down, down, until it is finally at the bottom of the ocean bed.
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Now, this is fantastic news.
It means that the mandate is essentially dead on arrival, even before it goes into effect.
And the judges couldn't be more clear.
They say that the agency—this is OSHA, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration— So the Biden administration can now cheerlead and say, oh, companies should do this and we want them to do that, but they can't make them do anything.
Now, this will end up going to the Supreme Court, so the court's decision, the appellate court decision is not the final word on this, but it's very important because it stops this in its tracks.
It's a three-judge panel, Republican appointees, by the way, Kurt Engelhardt, who wrote the main decision, Judge Edith Jones, a Reagan appointee, and Kyle Duncan.
And what I want to focus on here is something that the media never focuses on, and that's the reasoning behind the decision.
Because normally you get, and I'm reading here the New York Times article, Appeals Court Extends Block on Biden's Vaccine Mandate, and they quote the conclusion of it.
But you never get a sense of what the judges actually said, their justification for striking down this mandate.
And that's where I think they really came out really strong.
So let's talk a little bit about Judge Engelhardt's decision.
He begins by saying, we have a mandate that has come out of an executive agency, an administrative agency called OSHA. And he says, first of all, let's pay attention to the fact that OSHA is really a workplace safety organization, and they deal with workplace hazards, things like, you know, poisonous chemicals at the workplace or asbestos.
And so they're supposed to create a safe working environment.
He goes, they're not supposed to deal with hazards that affect the whole country, if not the whole world.
OSHA can't step in and say, well, listen, you know what?
We're very worried about the rising oceans, and so we're going to make everybody in the workplace do this.
So we're very worried about a global pandemic that started in China, and so we're going to mandate that everyone in the country do that.
Let's remember that the Biden mandate doesn't just apply to government.
It applies to private organizations in the private sector, organizations with 100 employees or more.
Now, OSHA, of course, recognizes that that's their normal function, but what the Biden lawyers argue is that this is an emergency.
This is the key to the whole thing.
They're dealing with an emergency.
Innumerable lives are at stake.
In fact, I'm now going to quote from the Biden administration's brief.
They say that keeping the mandate from getting into effect, quote, would likely cost dozens or even hundreds of lives per day, in addition to large numbers of hospitalization, other serious effects, and tremendous costs.
Now, it is this emergency reasoning that the court basically dissects and dissects I think with beautiful efficiency.
The first thing that Judge Englehart points out is he says, wait a minute.
He goes, if it's really an emergency, why does your mandate only apply to companies with a hundred employees or more?
He goes, are only large companies under this emergency?
What about a company that has 97 employees?
Why is it that they're not facing this emergency if you say it's an emergency.
Well, OSHA comes back and says, well, listen, the reason we chose 100 employees is it's easier to administer.
Well, it's easier to administer.
Wait a minute. Either it's an emergency or it's not an emergency.
Administrative convenience is not exactly the deciding factor here.
Moreover, says Judge Engelhardt, It took OSHA two months to write this mandate.
If it was really an emergency, a mandate that, by the way, is a few lines long, does it really take two months to write a mandate?
Couldn't you write it in like one day?
So the judge goes, I'm beginning to suspect that this is not really an emergency if an administrative agency goes at its usual glacial pace.
And besides, says Judge Engelhardt, this emergency has been going on for two full years.
Generally, if something has been going on for two years, it gives you a lot of time to take all kinds of action.
But the one thing you can't say is that you're still living under, quote, emergency conditions.
Then the judge turns to the fact that this mandate is not in any way tailored or targeted to the people who need it most.
He says, in fact, imagine two cases.
You've got, let's say, a company that employs night watchmen, and you've got a night watchman, and these night watchmen stand outside an office building, let's say, and they provide security.
And he goes, and there's another company that's, let's say, a meatpacking company where people are shoulder to shoulder.
They're constantly breathing each other's air.
The judge goes, are you saying that it's an emergency for both these people?
No, it's an emergency for one of them.
It's an emergency for the meatpacking guy, but not for the guy standing outdoors all by himself all night with a stick.
The judge goes, the mandate makes no effort to distinguish between these two people.
It basically treats everyone as if they're all living under similar conditions of grave health crisis.
And then the judge, I think, gets to the heart of the matter.
He goes, this... Rule is a ruse.
He goes, this is a ruse not to produce safer working conditions, but to force the vast, vast majority of the American people to get a vaccine.
And he goes, and this is not allowed under the Constitution.
The government has no power to use its agencies as a battering ram to round up the American people, so to speak, and essentially deny them meaningful employment.
If they don't succumb to a governmental order for which there is no authority under the Constitution.
Now, the three judges do say that it is a different matter and they would have to look at it separately if Congress passed a law.
But the point is Congress has not passed a law.
This is an administrative agency, essentially a bureaucratic agency, not directly accountable to anyone, that is making this law and imposing it on the entire, in effect, virtually the entire population of working people in this country.
And the judges go, this is really not going to fly.
This is a pretext for ultimately trying to get Americans to make a health decision.
And they go, wait a minute, is this the health department even saying this?
No, it's the occupational safety department.
So the idea is just as the occupational safety people don't really make medical decisions, no more than medical departments of the U.S. government make decisions about workplace safety.
This is why you have administrative agencies.
Each of them has a particular path that they're supposed to follow.
Their expertise, in other words, is in a given area.
So this is a resounding decision, I think beautifully argued and convincing.
And so when the Supreme Court takes it up, they're going to look at this reasoning and And decide for themselves, and I think these are going to be judges, by the way, on the court, hospitable to this kind of reasoning.
I think it's safe to say that the Biden vaccine mandate is already comatose and heading for the administrative cemetery.
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Or go to balanceofnature.com and use discount code AMERICA. Hey guys, I'm really happy to welcome to the podcast someone that you've probably been watching recently on television.
This is Drew Hernandez, who was, well, one of the star witnesses in the Rittenhouse trial.
Drew is the host of Drew Hernandez Live.
He's an investigative reporter, he's a commentator, and he is a correspondent for Real America's Voice.
Drew, thanks for joining me.
I gotta start by congratulating you, not just for your calm, matter of fact, presentation at the trial, your incredible ability to withstand cross-examination and the way you handled yourself, but I wanna make the broader point that I think that it's the video evidence that's so critical in a trial like this because you keep hearing things about this and about that, and very often in the case, you don't know,
you just have to go with what the detective says or what this guy says, but in this case, we can look ourselves, we can compare what people are saying with what we saw happening on the street that night.
You were there.
But before we get to what you saw and what the atmosphere was like, let me start by getting people to know you a little bit better.
So tell us a little bit, who is Drew Hernandez?
Tell us a little bit about your background and how did you get into this sort of line of work?
Well, thank you for having me, Dinesh.
It's truly an honor to be on this podcast.
You have no idea. I started, I was a youth pastor for about six years during the Trump years.
That's kind of when I was doing my work in Southern California as a youth pastor, just dealing with the youth and pouring into the youth from a biblical, obviously a biblical standpoint and that kind of work.
But after the election, I You know, God started really moving in my heart.
I saw that our country was on the verge of literally falling off a cliff.
And by the way, shout out to you, Hillary's America changed my life.
When I watched that, it really did kind of open up my eyes to a lot and the direction Hillary Clinton was going alongside with the WikiLeaks.
So it just kind of really...
I knew that I always had very strong opinions from a biblical worldview, but I never really engaged the world of politics like I really wanted to with absolute truth.
And just a combination of all those things happening throughout the Trump years.
I started doing Man on the Street videos, kind of going to protests, left-leaning protests and debating people that have different opinions than me just to get them to think.
I'm a millennial, so I've seen my generation just die and totally just fall for this cultural Marxism garbage.
That is an absolute lie.
So I decided to kind of combat those ideas with truth and obviously pro-America constitutional values that they just view as hate speech now.
So over the Trump years, I saw the decline of our country continue.
They continue to smear the president.
They continue to smear conservatives, paint them as white supremacists, even if you're brown like you and me.
So I saw this stuff just continue to culminate into the riots.
And so 2020, after the death of George Floyd...
The riots came.
And I saw that the mainstream media, like always, fake news, they weren't covering it correctly.
They were calling them mostly peaceful protests after Minneapolis burned down to the ground, multiple buildings, even a police precinct.
I was in California at the time, Santa Monica.
They were looting and rioting in the streets.
I covered that as well.
And part of the reason why I decided to get more serious about my reporting and my journalism was because of the riots, because I saw We're good to go.
So part of my concern was, at the time, a citizen journalist, because I was 100% independent, I wanted to make sure that I was documenting this stuff.
Whether it was in Portland, whether it was in Seattle, whether it was in Los Angeles, in New York, I saw that the mainstream media was going to try and cover up something so serious in American history.
So that's kind of what, in a nutshell, caused me to engage people.
The world of politics and journalism.
So what you're saying, Drew, is that in a sense you pivoted based upon almost a feeling that God was calling you to record this historic moment we were going through.
And initially you would be like man of the street, And sort of engaging these guys.
But as this escalated, you saw the need to document it so that there's a visual record.
Did you realize the power of the new media and the idea that, hey, listen, if I'm on the scene and I make videos, you know, it's hard to argue with the video because the video, it's sort of like, who are you going to believe, the media or your lying eyes, right?
And so when did you make the decision to go to Kenosha?
Wow, this is a pretty crazy story.
So I was already in Chicago covering a Black Lives Matter protest.
It was a protest.
It was at a high school and we were covering it for that weekend.
And it was a Sunday night when we were done.
I was in my hotel and Jacob Blake got shot in Chicago.
Wisconsin. And I saw it on Twitter.
And I was about to leave on a flight the next morning.
This was my final night in Chicago.
And I saw that Jacob Blake was shot and I immediately saw on Twitter reports of police officers having bricks thrown at their head, knocked unconscious on the floor.
And I made the decision to take an Uber from Chicago all the way to Kenosha.
It was like a $300 Uber, but it was probably the best decision of my life because this report changed my entire life.
And it was during the lockdowns, Dinesh.
It was at 11 p.m.
at night. Uber was really not responding during this time, especially in Chicago.
For me, the Lord directs your steps.
I didn't plan this.
I have no idea how it happens, like literally in sync.
So I took an Uber at 11pm tonight from Chicago.
It was maybe like a two-hour Uber, somewhere around there, all the way to Kenosha.
And right when I showed up, they already had on fire garbage trucks or a blaze.
There were already so-called protesters.
They were rioters. The rioters are the ones who showed up.
With long arm rifles and they were pointing them at armored police squad cars.
And this is all documented on film.
So if anyone wants to fact check me, go to my Twitter, Drew HLive.
It's literally all there.
It was worldwide viral.
So this is everything that took place when I showed up to Kenosha and they were already committing mass vandalism, looting, arson, they burnt down a car dealership, they broke into a library, all the community buildings, everything that had nothing to do with Jacob Blake, a bunch of retail stores in the little town of Kenosha, they looted and vandalized, had nothing to do with Jacob Blake shooting.
They just decided to go and riot and commit arson and vandalism and I was there to document it by God's grace.
When we come back, we're gonna get into this.
Who were the rioters?
Were these just random criminals and looters?
Were they ideologically motivated?
What did Drew see that night?
What did he see involving Kyle Rittenhouse and Joseph Rosenbaum?
We'll be right back.
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Feel the difference. I'm back with journalist and commentator Drew Hernandez, star witness at the Rittenhouse trial.
We're talking about Kenosha on that fateful night.
Drew, you show up, you see this rioting in full gear.
Now, I think this is actually critical and was critically important in your testimony because...
The key issue for Kyle Rittenhouse is simply this.
Did he have in his mind a rational fear that he was in real danger?
And I think what you're saying and what helped to corroborate his testimony is you're saying there was real danger on the street that night.
You saw it. You felt it.
Talk about the mood on the street that very night.
It was multiple nights, Dinesh.
I was there on night one.
And then on night two, that's when I came back to Chicago, did a Tucker hit, and then I came back night three.
It was three consecutive nights of violent rioting, arson, vandalism, and looting across this whole little town of Kenosha.
Listen, Dinesh, to the point where some of the residents were boarding up their windows and they were writing on the boards, children live here.
I was just in Kenosha a couple days ago to testify, obviously, Dinesh, and they're still boarding up their windows, even senior citizen homes, writing, senior citizens live here or old people live here.
There was an obvious threat to the community.
People were fearing for their lives because the police were not responding appropriately.
I could understand maybe on night one they weren't prepared.
I don't think anybody's prepared for a violent riot.
But night two, it was still going on, and it was completely unacceptable.
And it wasn't until night three did they start dispersing more tear gas and rubber bullets and pushing the riots back.
And that's when Kyle Rittenhouse showed up.
The rioters are the ones who showed up with long gun rifles to begin with, and they were committing arson, vandalism, looting.
The mood of the night was violence, criminal, and mob mentality.
Clearly. Now, Drew, one of the points that people make about Kyle Rittenhouse from the left is that he came to Kenosha looking for trouble.
And what I find interesting is that they never point out that the rioters came to Kenosha looking for trouble.
Talk a little bit about Rosenbaum and what you observed and the ways in which here's a guy who was looking for a fight.
Absolutely. Every time I saw Joseph Rosenbaum, and let me remind your viewers, this is not my opinion.
I am an eyewitness, but like we began this show, I have full body cam footage to corroborate everything I'm saying, and it was played in the trial and it's in the hands of the jury.
Just want to put that out there.
Every time I encountered Rosenbaum, extremely violent, He was attempting to push a burning garbage dumpster into police squad vehicles across the street, clearly.
And then when an individual put that out with a fire extinguisher, he immediately got triggered and attempted to spark some kind of physical confrontation with people with long-arm rifles in a gas station.
You could see that on video very clearly to the point where he's requesting to be shot, literally, while using the N-word.
And once he retreated from the gas station, he went back to the street, then covered his face, went to go light another trash can, and two minutes and five seconds go by between he's committing arson and he's charging Kyle Rittenhouse at the third car source from behind It's all history from there.
And then he charged a minor from behind and then reached for his weapon, lunged at him.
Behind him, Kyle turns around and says, F you.
And that's when Kyle fires.
So Joseph Rosenbaum is not a victim.
He's not someone that is this, you know, sweet little saint that was just there to protest for black people.
No, that guy was there with a violent mentality.
And it's very clear because actions speak way louder than words.
I want to talk a little bit about the role of the media, because I went back and read some of the New York Times' sort of detailed coverage about what happened.
And you got the impression, reading that, you would never know that there was a gang of these thugs chasing Rittenhouse.
You almost got the idea that Rittenhouse was chasing them.
And the reason that you know that this message went out to the left is that when Anna Kasparian, who is with the Young Turks, She made a video and she goes, you know, when I saw the trial, I was kind of shocked because it was completely different than everything I had read about the case.
I was learning things about it that directly contradicted essentially what she had been told in the mainstream media.
So I want to talk, get your thoughts about, you know, here you are and you've got these reporters.
It's not like they're not there.
Are they just maliciously and deliberately lying?
And are they doing that for ideological reasons?
I would have to say yes.
I mean, this goes all the way up to the presidential campaign.
President Joe Biden's campaign literally used an image of Kyle Rittenhouse to accuse then President Trump of not dealing with white supremacy.
This is how far the propaganda really goes, and the mainstream media just goes alongside with it.
It's funny, Dinesh, because the prosecutor immediately tried to attack me and my credibility by trying to prove that I'm biased.
Now, the reason why he did that was because I am an eyewitness.
I submitted... I have about a hundred videos of body cam footage of corroborating what I am testifying under oath.
And it's for this very reason.
They're the ones who are biased.
They're the ones who want to put a political spin on this.
Because when someone like me comes around that not only saw this...
But has body cam footage that is impossible to be biased.
It just speaks for itself.
Their only weapon against me is to slander me, to discredit me, and try and spin their bias upon me or whatever it is that I claim to be saying.
And I think that just speaks for itself, Dinesh.
And that's what I was trying to show the jury as I was testifying is you guys can see this for yourself.
I don't even need to be here to talk about it.
I submitted all the footage to the defense and the prosecution to the state.
You guys can watch this all for yourself and you guys are smart enough to make a decision.
And that's what the mainstream media doesn't do for the American people.
They think they know better for you.
And they know better than you.
And they think they can think for you by just spewing propaganda down your mouth on a daily basis.
I mean, my favorite moment was when the prosecutor said to you something to the effect of, well, you seem to be biased against the rioters.
As if to say that this was a shocking position for you to take, that you've got something against riots.
And you, you know, calmly pointed out, guys, you know, this is what they were doing on the video.
Absolutely. It's like...
I didn't come there to argue with him.
I was compliant with the defense and the prosecution.
But he came after me because he knew that I was a very credible witness.
And that was the only thing he could do.
He couldn't argue with the footage.
Every time he tried, it didn't go well for him.
So all he could do is try and say that I'm biased in this and that.
But my only bias in the context Because in the media, everyone's like, Drew, you're obviously biased.
What do you mean you're not biased? I'm open about my bias, but in the context of testifying under oath with what happened the night Kyle Rittenhouse shot Joseph Rosenbaum and what I saw, no, my bias was the truth and the body cam footage that I have as evidence that was submitted to the state.
That was my bias in the context.
Do you think, Drew, if Kyle Rittenhouse gets off, which I hope he does, that the media will learn a lesson from this?
Or do you think that they will just come right back and even though you got a white guy who shot three other white guys, they'll be, this is a triumph of white supremacy.
In other words, they will still protect the lying narrative.
Even though it's been put up for judgment, you've had a jury weighing in on it, it'll make absolutely no difference.
What's your prediction?
Not about the outcome of the case, but about the outcome of the ideological narrative in the aftermath of the case.
Well, I mean, did they learn from Nick Sandman?
I mean, it seems like they didn't because they're still smearing teenagers in the mainstream media trying to use them as symbols of white supremacy or a threat to the radical left or a threat to minorities.
I think we'll have to see what they do.
I mean, obviously it would be wise for them to make a lot of retractions because they have totally blew it.
I mean, to the point where you have black people on Twitter that are coming out and saying, Yeah, I had no idea that Kyle Rittenhouse didn't shoot any people of color.
That's like going viral on Twitter right now.
That's how strong the propaganda is right now.
So I think what we have to pay attention to is if Kyle does walk, let's see how he responds to all the defamation that he's received in the mainstream media.
I think that will show how they'll respond to that.
Drew, you're a very brave man.
Keep doing the great work you're doing.
I'd love to have you back sometime soon.
And thanks for joining me on the podcast.
Absolutely, sir. Thank you.
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I want to talk about the so-called Biden-Negro controversy.
Now, here's an interesting headline in Mediaite.
Left-wing source.
Quote, this is the headline, no, Joe Biden did not refer to Satchel Paige as a, quote, Negro during Veterans Day speech.
So this is a fact check that is informing the American people that Biden didn't use this term.
Well, let's roll the videotape and see if he did or not.
Listen. You know, I've adopted the Well, you decide.
Did he say it or did he not say it?
Now, Biden goes on in the same sentence to refer to Page as, quote, the picture in the, quote, Negro Leagues and...
So, the point of the fact check was that Biden didn't mean to say Negro.
He actually meant to use the term Negro League, but he sort of misspoke.
But notice how the press here covers for Biden.
Imagine if Trump had said exactly what Biden said.
They'd be all over him.
See, he's a white supremacist.
He's a racist. Now, if this were an isolated case involving Biden, I would sort of leave it at that myself.
But there's a pattern with this guy.
There's a pattern with Biden.
You know, isn't this the same guy who said that if you don't vote for him, you ain't black?
I mean, that's Biden.
Isn't this the same guy who said very creepy things about corn pop and about very derogatory things that Biden said before?
Isn't this the same Biden who he talked about predators and super predators and the fact that he wouldn't want his wife or his daughter or his children walking about with these kinds of monsters on the street?
This is the same Biden.
This is the same Biden who was pals with segregationists.
This is the same Biden who tried to block integration when it came to Delaware in the aftermath of the civil rights movement.
This is a Biden who, when he was talking about working with all kinds of people, showing that he was capable of making deals with all kinds of people, the example he gives are the Democratic segregationists in his own party.
And Biden's point is, yeah, these were my mentors, people like Robert Byrd.
He got along with them.
He worked with them. He cut deals with them.
I'm not saying he was one of them, but what I'm saying is he was allied with them, and he took it as a point of pride that he was able to find common ground with them on a number of issues.
And then this is the same guy.
With these racist roots, who goes around calling Republicans racist.
In other words, he's calling the very party that fought the racism of the Democratic Party racist.
This is Biden who calls Kyle Rittenhouse a white supremacist.
This is Biden who attacks GOP election integrity laws that basically set voting hours, that allow early voting, but that simply regulate the way that mailboxes are supervised, require you to produce an ID when you vote.
He goes, this is the new Jim Crow.
So here you've got a guy, as I say, who has been immersed in the democratic tradition of insensitivity and bigotry, pretending to be the guy who's fighting bigotry.
And he even goes back and tries to sanitize his own career.
Oh, I was a champion of the civil rights movement.
Not true. I marched for civil rights.
Not true. So here you've got Biden, a kind of, and this is, again, not just something that Biden said now one time, and we could leave it to a slip.
Rather, it is a guy who is bigoted, I think, to the core.
Somebody who comes out of the same party that produced such bigots as Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt, LBJ. Biden is in that democratic tradition.
There's a line of continuity between him and the old democratic races.
And this is something that we should not allow him to get away from.
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Some years ago, I watched an interview on television with a Japanese kamikaze pilot who survived the war.
He did, in fact, fly his kamikaze mission.
And the war ended.
He was a young man then, and he lived to be a very old man.
He was being interviewed toward the end of his life about how relieved he must have felt that the war came to an end, and he didn't have to fly his kamikaze mission.
And when the interviewer said this, the man replied in a very strange way.
He said, relieved.
He said, on the contrary, it was the greatest dishonor of my life.
And it then hit me that here's a guy who actually felt bad that he wasn't able to die as a martyr, that he wasn't able to fly his plane into an allied ship.
All of this came flashing back to my mind following a controversy involving Nicole Hannah-Jones of the 1619 Project.
She's talking about the fact that she felt so bad when she went to the Hiroshima Museum at the U.S. dropping the bomb on Hiroshima.
And I've mentioned that before in the podcast, but I didn't discuss the actual controversy itself.
I simply discussed the fact that Nicole Hannah-Jones is playing with the politics of shame Which is an important strategy of the critical race theory movement to manipulate shame and to cultivate, you may say, bogus shame and to pretend on the parts of these people that they feel shame when they really don't.
But some people, some...
On social media, challenged Nicole Hannah-Jones and said, well, it's very easy to say with the benefit of hindsight, someone who has actually never served in war, very easy for you to say that dropping the bomb was such a bad idea because dropping the bomb prevented the U.S. invasion of Japan.
To which Nicole Hannah-Jones replies this, quote, You're the one who poorly understands history.
They dropped the bomb when they knew surrender was coming because they'd spent all this money developing and to prove it was worth it.
Propaganda is not history, my friend.
So here's what Nicole Hannah-Jones is saying.
Number one, the U.S. knew beforehand that the Japanese were about to surrender but dropped the bomb with them anyway.
The motive for dropping the bomb is we spent money to build the bomb and we kind of wanted to, you know, show that that money was worth it.
So that's why we dropped it. It was a purely, you know, deeply cynical and morally horrific, if true.
And third, she's backing up and making her general point, propaganda is not history.
Now, A number of scholars have jumped in to say to Nicole Hannah-Jones, listen, to this day, historians debate the morality and the justification for dropping the bomb.
And I want to turn to someone who was, you may say, directly involved.
This is the writer Paul Fussell in an important book and essay called Thank God for the Atom Bomb.
And Paul Fussell He says, first of all, that no one knew that surrender was coming.
He goes, the Japanese were not about to surrender.
In fact, he says that the Japanese had gotten ready 10,000 kamikaze planes and were talking about arming every Japanese citizen, including arming children and grandmothers with spears and pikes to fight the Americans when they showed up in Japan.
He says even the first bomb didn't do it.
The Japanese were still talking about fighting to the last man until the second bomb dropped to Nagasaki.
So in other words, it took not one, but two bombs to bring about the Japanese surrender.
Moreover, Paul Fussell says...
That this idea of the US invasion of Japan wasn't some kind of a theoretical idea, like we might ultimately have to invade Japan.
He says the US was on the verge of invading Japan.
He says the US had planned the invasion.
The invasion was imminent.
It was an infantry assault on the island of Kyushu, 13 divisions were going to land there in November of 1945.
And then Honshu, 16 divisions were scheduled for March of 1946.
The U.S. had planned for a full one year of fighting on the Japanese mainland itself.
And the estimated number of casualties expected?
One million casualties.
Now, the United States in July of 1945, in preparation for the invasion, had moved the battleships Iowa, the Missouri, the Wisconsin, and the King George V up and down the Japanese coast and had already begun the shelling of Japan in preparation for the invasion.
And finally, this crusher.
He says the invasion was definitely on.
This is Paul Fussell writing.
As I know, because I was going to be in it.
He goes... My division was to take place in the invasion of Hanshu.
I was a 21-year-old second lieutenant of infantry leading a rifle platoon.
And then he says when the news came that the atomic bombs had dropped, he goes, despite the practiced tough facades, he's talking about the soldiers and himself, he goes, we broke down and cried with relief and joy.
The killing was going to be over.
We were going to grow to adulthood after all.
Paul Fussell's point is from the point of view of someone whose own life was at stake.
Thank God for the atom bomb.
In fact, he concludes his essay by saying, experience tells us that the pity is not that we used the bomb to end the Japanese war, but that we didn't have it to end the German war.
He goes,"'Think about it. What if we were able to drop a bomb on the Nazi leadership?
Much of the Nazi hierarchy could have been pulverized immediately, and the lives of millions of Jews, Poles, Slavs, and Gypsies, not to mention the lives and limbs of millions of Allied and German soldiers could have been saved.'" This is something that is utterly outside the reach of Nicole Hannah-Jones.
In her case, it's a combination of malice and stupidity.
And the great irony is that you've got someone who's a journalist, who doesn't even have any feel for war, doesn't even know the history surrounding this debate, pontificating and making the point that, quote, propaganda is not history, even though she herself is peddling straight out propaganda.
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I'm going to conclude my discussion of John Calvin today by talking about what I think is a very interesting and good idea that Calvin had and an idea that has continued to give me trouble most of my adult life, the idea of free destination.
I'll start with something that the Christian writer Tertullian once said, what has Athens to do with Jerusalem?
Now, this is often interpreted as Tertullian saying, what does the world of Greece and Rome, that is Athens, have to do with the world of Judaism and Christianity?
But there's a little different way to understand it.
What does the secular city, the city of man, have to do with the city of God?
And this is a question that has sort of reverberated throughout Christian history.
Now, Calvin gave a very interesting answer to that question, which is that good citizenship and good Christian practice go together.
Calvin's point is that the city of God is connected to the city of man.
And in fact, in Geneva, Calvin tried to almost, you can say, implement Calvin studied in Strasbourg.
He became a pastor there.
But he came back to Geneva in 1541 and remained there until his death.
And on the surface, Calvin seems a lot like Luther.
He agreed about sola scriptura.
We just get spiritual truth out of the Bible.
He agreed on justification by faith alone.
But the feel of Calvin is very different than Luther.
Luther was a man of the monastery.
Calvin was a lawyer.
He was someone who lived in the public square.
And he believed that law should reflect, you may say, God's commandments and God's will.
And he did this in the small...
City of Geneva, Calvin created a model Christian commonwealth.
And this made not just Calvinism the doctrine, but the actual exemplary city of Geneva under Calvin, a model for Christian communities lasting for centuries after Calvin.
Essentially, Calvin created a sort of committee of elders made up of influential citizens in the city.
And there were pastors on that group, and there were also businessmen.
So there were people from all walks of society who come together.
And so there's a cooperation, you may say, between secular and ecclesiastical authorities.
And they create a set of laws that governs Everything that governs commerce, that governs the way people interact with each other.
You have laws that deal with things like non-attendance in church.
Church attendance was compulsory in Calvin's Geneva.
You can't engage in drunkenness or adultery.
There are various assigned penalties for these kinds of things.
So Calvin is very clear.
That he wants us to live in a city here and now that at least resembles to some degree the city that God has created in the next world.
And our preparation for the next world is in fact in this world.
Now, the Calvinistic doctrine that I have the most trouble with is simply the idea of predestination.
It's the idea that God chose at the beginning, at the creation of the world, that of all the humans I'm going to create, I'm going to give my grace to some and withhold it from others.
Now, the reason I have so much trouble with this is And by the way, Luther agreed with some of this.
Luther agreed that there was a concept called the elect, and the elect are the chosen by God.
God has chosen some, if you will, to abide with Him in heaven.
But what Luther didn't do that Calvin stressed is that God also chose those who are damned.
This is sometimes called Calvin's doctrine of double predestination because it doesn't just affect the good guys who end up in heaven.
Calvin also stressed they're going to be bad guys, and a lot of them But this is the point.
How do they end up and why do they end up in hell?
Well, the Bible makes it really clear that Jesus died for everybody.
So clearly, Jesus' death and His salvific grace, in that sense, extend to everyone.
But the rub for Calvin was this.
Even though Jesus is offering salvation to everyone, some people won't take it.
They won't accept it. And Calvin's point is, why won't they accept it?
And that's because you need grace to accept grace.
And Calvin's point is that God has withheld His grace from certain humans, in fact, from a lot of them, so that they are in that sense unable to say yes to God's free gift of salvation.
They haven't gotten the grace to accept grace.
Now, I think the problem with this for me is simply this.
It is not a problem about the justice of God, because God is God.
God doesn't have any obligation to save anyone.
God has the right to say, I have favorites, and I choose Dinesh, but I don't choose Debbie.
No, no, no. Or the other way around.
God has the right to make his own choices.
And someone who is not chosen by God for special benefits that only God can give doesn't really have a reason to complain against God because it is God's to give.
So the problem is not with the justice of God, but the problem is this.
If that is true, that God is at the beginning of the world choosing the elect and choosing the damned, Then you can't really blame the damned, can you?
You can't say, Then you might say that the responsibility for them being in hell lies not with them, but with God.
It becomes, in a sense, an indictment of God.
And for these reasons, I don't think, at the end, that I personally, I realize that there are people, even today, who accept the Calvinistic doctrine of predestination.
But I've tried to outline what I think is the most serious problem with it.
It's difficult to blame people who end up in hell for being in hell if the reason that they are in hell is not due to their own free choice, but due to God's prior election.
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