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Oct. 12, 2021 - Dinesh D'Souza
54:15
HOW’S THE WEATHER UP THERE? Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep194
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Southwest Airlines blames its mass cancellations and mass disruptions on weather patterns, but what's the real story?
I'll tell you. Senator Christian Sinema has apparently stopped returning the White House's phone calls.
How great is that? I'm going to tell you a little bit more about Sinema.
Political scientist Carol Swain joins me.
We're going to talk about whether America is systematically racist.
And also, what about the Democratic Party?
And I begin my examination of James Madison by showing a kind of strange affinity between Madison and an Italian poet named Dante.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza podcast.
The times are crazy and a time of confusion, division, and lies.
We need a brave voice of reason, understanding, and truth.
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Something rather strange is going on at Southwest Airlines, and we're going to try to find out what, not just because the incident is interesting in its own right, but I think it points to larger issues, larger conflicts in the society.
Something rather big, I think, is brewing behind all that.
Now, Southwest has been canceling flights right and left.
It canceled 800 flights on Saturday, 1019 flights on Sunday, even on Monday when they said, oh, things are getting back to normal.
No, they canceled another 348 flights and delayed another 271.
So if you add this up, Southwest has canceled over 2,000 flights.
This is very significant.
Now, Southwest issued a statement blaming the, quote, high volume of cancellations on two things.
ATC issues, air traffic control issues, and disruptive weather.
Now, of course, the strange thing about this, first of all, the The FAA put out a statement basically saying that while there had been some shortages of staff at air traffic control, no, there wasn't any fundamental air traffic control disruption around the country.
And then as for the weather, all the other airlines were apparently flying fine.
Now, this is not to say that there weren't a few pockets where there was weather.
In fact, I experienced one myself.
I flew in on Friday night into Jacksonville Airport in Florida.
This was for the American Freedom Tour.
I was speaking along with Dan Bongino and Kayleigh McEnany and Donald Trump Jr.
And there was weather.
We had to kind of avoid a storm getting into Jacksonville and there were delays with luggage and so on.
But that was short-lived.
Obviously, also, that was in one part of Florida, not across the country.
So Southwest customers are totally onto this.
If you look at the thread below Southwest's statement, they're just ridiculing Southwest for, I mean, not only doing something bad, which is canceling all these flights, but then lying about it.
So why would you need to lie about it?
Well, one answer would be, and it's only one answer, it's a possible answer, is because there's a kind of a silent strike going on, which is to say that possibly Southwest staff, pilots, other staff are just calling in, can't make it to work, I'm feeling a little sick.
And so this causes a sort of standstill for the airline.
Now, the airline union says it's not that But, of course, if it was a silent strike, not a declared strike, you'd expect the airline to say that.
And we know that the airline actually is opposed to these COVID mandates.
In fact, the airline has warned.
It's asked a court in Dallas to temporarily block the mandate, the vaccine mandate.
So they know it's not popular with their union members.
Interestingly, the media is playing all of this really on the down low.
I think because they recognize that something big may be going on, they don't want to encourage other airline employees to do the same thing.
And then what if the truckers do it?
What if you start seeing a mass phenomenon of resistance?
This is almost a new kind of resistance, sort of like the civil rights movement, but instead of marching in the street, you just take action.
To paralyze these companies, which quite honestly don't care about you.
They don't care about you one bit.
And even with Southwest, their justification, even if their justification was, look, there's a federal mandate.
Biden is making us do it.
The truth of it is Biden has no power to make you do this.
There is no federal mandate.
Biden talked about the fact that he was going to do a mandate, but he hasn't done a mandate.
And even if he did a mandate through executive order, the question would be, where's his authority to do it?
Yes, Congress can pass a law imposing a vaccine mandate, perhaps.
But Biden doesn't have lawmaking authority.
he's the head of the executive branch. The other interesting wrinkle in all this is that just yesterday, Governor Abbott in Texas, where by the way Southwest is based, Southwest base is Dallas, Governor Abbott signed an executive order, you may say countering the Biden forthcoming executive order, and Abbott's executive order basically says no vaccine mandates in Texas. Now, one of the problems with, this is kind of the pathetic state of conservative intellectual life,
as you have conservatives, you know, who say at conservative respectable organs, well, isn't it ironic that after objecting to the Biden mandate, the conservatives in Texas have their own mandates.
So if it's unconstitutional for Biden to do it, why is it unconstitutional for Abbott to do it?
This is the kind of thing that someone says who is out of touch with what is actually happening in reality.
Why? Because what is happening in reality is that we need state action to block federal action.
So if Biden is using his federal power, the power of the federal government to strong arm companies into doing something, yes, we should use state power in Republican states at the state level to attempt to put obstacles to that.
Now, Where is all of this going to go?
I'm not entirely sure, but I do think one thing that is going on is that people recognize that this is a bullying strategy that is being employed not just by the government, but also by these large corporations who have very little regard for their customers and very little regard for their employees.
What do they have regard for?
Well, I think in the case of the airlines, they have their eye on government subsidies and COVID money.
And so what the Biden administration is basically saying is, we control that pile of dough, and so we're going to use that as leverage against you to make you do what we want.
It is more than time for people to stand up for their rights.
It's more than time for people to say, hey, listen, you know, if the vaccine is so great, make the case for the vaccine.
If you were persuaded, we're happy to take it.
But if you put our jobs on the line, if you fire us, if you basically deprive us of being able to support our families and pay our mortgages, well, we're going to be a little annoyed and we're going to do our best to strike back.
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You've got to use promo code DINESH. I want to talk a little bit about the very intriguing personality of Kristen Sinema.
Now, the importance of cinema is that she, along with Joe Manchin, are the two Democrats standing in the way, almost like the Spartans in the past.
Against the Biden administration's attempt to ram through a ridiculously expensive, unaffordable $3.5 trillion infrastructure bill, laden with all kinds of stuff that has nothing to do with infrastructure.
A pure boondoggle of vote-buying scheme.
By the way, it's interesting to hear the left talk about this because they almost admit, they come to the water's edge of admitting that it's a vote-buying scheme.
They say things like, if we don't pass this bill, we're going to lose the midterms.
What they mean by that is we have all kinds of goodies in the bill.
We're going to pay off this group.
We're going to pay off that group.
We're going to try to mollify public opposition to Biden's actions, essentially with cold cash.
And we're going to do it by borrowing the money, so to speak, or taking the money from future generations.
And even though they say, well, we're paying for it.
We're not borrowing. For when a country is massively in debt already, yes, you are borrowing the money.
Now, Manchin and cinema are actually, if you look at them, very different.
And one way you know this is if you look at their attitude both to the press and when they are confronted.
Now, Manchin is a very kind of engaging character.
He's frequently in the news.
There's this kind of Indian guy at CNN named Manu Raju who seems to basically live with Manchin.
By which, I mean, every time I see Manchin, this little kind of Indian guy is bopping up and down like, Hey Manchin, are you going to change your mind?
Are you going to change your mind every single day?
It's so annoying. And Manchin looks at this guy like, you know, like, really?
Is this what you do in India? You know, pester people until they give in.
You know, mommy, mommy, can I have it? Can I have it?
Can I have it? So this is this Manu Raju character.
But anyway, Manchin is always engaging him.
And he's always kind of giving a slightly different thing than he said yesterday.
So he's a calibrator.
And he seems to kind of enjoy the fact that he's in the limelight.
Now, cinema, the exact opposite.
She rarely gives interviews.
Even when she's confronted, I remember that scene on the plane where this sort of illegal kind of moseys her way down to first class and starts haranguing cinema.
If you look at cinema, she just basically looks away and doesn't say a word.
So with cinema, she's got this stoic, taciturn refusal to engage.
And of course, it raises the question of what is cinema's game?
Because cinema is a liberal.
And so... How is it the case that she is showing this much tenacity against her own party?
The left can't understand it.
They're continually trying to bash her.
Saturday Night Live did a sort of skit in which she's just ditz, you know, and doesn't know what's going on, doesn't really know what she wants.
And that's not the problem.
That's just a complete misreading of cinema.
Apparently, some leftists intend to confront cinema.
She's going to be running in the Boston Marathon on Monday, and they want to accost her, what, during the run?
And say things like, they've got signs already made, by the way, stop running from us, and so on.
So, again, they are frustrated at Sinema not basically buckling and giving in to their pressure.
Sinema, interestingly, if you look at the politics of Arizona, is very anchored in the, you can say, the middling politics of Arizona.
What Sinema's doing is she's basically got a fair amount of Democrats And a small slice of Republicans who back her.
And by putting those two groups together, she actually does have a majority of Arizonans behind her.
But it's a very odd coalition because it's a coalition of the center.
We used to have these coalitions much more commonly in American politics.
They're relatively rare today.
But Arizona really is a centrist, right-leaning state.
And even though Sinema is left-leaning, She is sufficiently independent of the left, and you'll see that she's able to buck the left Time and time again.
She was asked in an interview, a rare interview, what she thinks about the role of government.
And this is what she said. She says, quote, I want Arizonans to, number one, I'm not quoting her, not have to think about their government very much.
But when they do, to think to themselves, well, that's at least a little bit less bad than it used to be.
It's less painful than it used to be.
And Christian has done some work to help make my life a little bit easier and a little bit better.
So think here, this is truly the centrist platform.
It's essentially seeing government not as a solution to problems, but rather as something that can, on the margin, make things better.
So cinema doesn't like this idea of government being ultimately the rescuer of the economy and the employer of the American population and the decider of all major issues and the forcer of this and the forcer of that.
One political strategist made an interesting point comparing cinema to Trump.
He said, like Trump, she has the capacity to scramble traditional power structures, but from the other side.
So just as Trump scrambles the Republican coalition and wins over working class Democrats, Sinema can scramble the coalition from the left and win over some Republicans, probably more moderate suburban Republicans.
Sinema wrote a book in 2009.
Very interesting. It's called Unite and Conquer.
So not Divide and Conquer, but Unite and Conquer, How to Build Coalitions that Win and Last.
And in that book, she describes, quote, the dreaded disease of what?
Quote, identity politics.
And liberals, she says, are too quick to embrace, quote, The mantle of victimhood.
So, anyone who talks like this is anathema to the left.
Anyone who thinks that victimology is bad is breaking with the central operating principle of the left in which victimology is basically all there is.
Victimology is basically your claim to moral superiority over everybody else.
Victimology is your tool for browbeating others and dividing society, and Christian cinema doesn't want to divide society at all.
For these reasons, I think, on balance.
And today, even this liberal Democrat is, in fact, a friend of liberty and a friend of America, a friend of fiscal sanity.
Do cheers for Christian cinema.
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We all know that homicide rates have been rising, and rising in many parts, most parts of the country.
But how much have they been rising?
Well, interestingly, there's some new data out from the CDC. Now, the CDC, the Center for Disease Control, Kind of an odd place to get data on homicides, but let's remember that homicides are, in a sense, a health issue, because if you have someone who's killed, they end up in the hospital, they end up in the morgue.
And so there's data collected by the FBI through its so-called uniform crime reports.
That's one source.
But the CDC also has data on Well, the CDC data shows that the homicide rate for the United States over the last year rose 30%.
That is the highest increase recorded in modern history.
And there were indications that this was true through crime statistics, but now you have corroborating data coming out from the CDC. Now, the U.S. homicide rate did see a 20% increase between 2000 and 2001.
So that was the previous time when there was a big increase.
But as you can see, our increase, 30%, the one-year increase is even higher.
It's the largest increase in 100 years, says Robert Anderson, Chief of Mortality Statistics at the National Center for Health Statistics.
So, there are only three states, by the way, that have seen decreases in homicides last year.
Very interesting. Those are Maine, New Mexico, and Alaska.
But, obviously, 47 states have seen an increase.
Now, my favorite part of this is that CNN, which doesn't like reporting all this because it reflects badly on Biden, nevertheless does its best to camouflage the reason for this.
So, I'm now going to read from CNN's article.
Criminology experts told CNN the increase in homicides was due to several factors.
I'm thinking, okay, that's fine.
We all know the main factor, but they're going to put that last.
So here we go. They go, the pandemic has closed schools and businesses leading to unemployment.
This has led to children and unemployed adults stuck at home, leading to skyrocketing stress and anxiety levels, especially in low-income households.
That's the first cause.
Anxiety due to the pandemic.
Let's look at the second cause.
The pandemic also changed the way police officers do their jobs because of illnesses and social distancing, which in turn led to fewer officers on the streets and areas that needed crime prevention the most.
And that's where the story ends.
You notice a dog that hasn't barked?
No mention of defund the police.
No mention of all the different counties that cut back police funding.
No mention of all places like New York that said, listen, let's take away money from the police department and give it to the social services department because who needs a police officer to show up when there's a shooting?
We can have a social worker find out if there's some kind of argument that needs to be settled, that needs some sort of mediation.
So, the point is, there's been a relentless campaign from the left for more than a year to demonize the police, to demoralize the police, and to embolden the criminals.
Because demoralizing the police, automatically, it's a seesaw.
You demoralize the police, you embolden the criminals.
Just as if you demoralize the criminals, you do strengthen and embolden the police.
So this is the prime cause of the skyrocketing homicide rates.
But CNN doesn't want you to know that.
They want you to think it's all because of COVID-19.
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Guys, I've been looking forward to this, a conversation with a friend of mine, Carol Swain.
Dr. Carol Swain is a former tenured professor at Princeton and Vanderbilt.
She's the author of a number of books, but the most recent one, which is co-authored with Dr.
Chris Shore, is called Black Eye for America, how critical race theory is burning down the house.
She is also a distinguished senior fellow at the Texas Public Policy Foundation.
Some of you will have seen her in my movie, Hillary's America.
Carol, it's a great pleasure.
Great to see you again.
Thanks for coming on the podcast.
I really appreciate it.
Let me begin by, you know, I don't know if everyone listening to this podcast knows your remarkable story.
Because I think in some ways your story is, I always call it a walking refutation of a lot of the ideas of the left.
So talk a little bit about how you grew up and some of the obstacles you overcame so people get an idea of how Carol Swain became Carol Swain.
I certainly do that. And I can tell you that progressives have never liked my story.
Even when I was a Democrat, they never had any use for it.
But I was one of 12 children born and raised in southwestern Virginia in rural poverty.
I dropped out of school after completing the eighth grade.
I married at 16. And by the time I was 21, I had small children.
And the poverty I grew up with was not the kind of poverty you find in urban areas.
For the early part of my life, we lived in a two-room shack without any indoor plumbing.
And we had to walk, you know, probably a half a mile to cross a highway to stand on the highway to wait for a school bus that a lot of times didn't show up.
And we often did not have adequate food or clothing for the weather.
So Carol, with that kind of a background, I mean, did you say that you dropped out of high school?
Well, I mean, I completed the 8th grade and started the 9th and then dropped out completely.
So I guess you would consider that maybe junior high, but the 8th grade was the highest grade I completed.
And I can also tell you that there were times when I Along with my siblings, missed as many as 80 of 180 school days.
My older sister and I, we were able to miss school and often, you know, still make an A or a B without having been there.
Carol, talk about, I mean, how does one go from that kind of background to becoming a professor at Princeton?
Just walk us through how you were.
Did you go back and get your GED? How did you finish school to then go on to college?
I can tell you that of the 12, I was the only one that got out, that really reached, that completed college.
Three of us, I believe, have high school equivalency, so yes, I have a high school equivalency.
I never sought to become a university professor, but I can also tell you that people around me recognized that I was different.
And as a child, I felt the sense of the call.
And in the spiritual sense, I can talk about it now.
I didn't know what it was then.
But I felt like there was something I was supposed to do.
And I always had a sense of urgency as a child.
And then later in my late teens, early 20s, I had strangers come up to me.
And they said, someday you're going to be famous.
And I mean, it was nothing about my situation at that time that I think...
That made any sense.
And now as a divine Christian believer, I believe that God sent people to encourage me.
But I went to, I earned a high school equivalency, went to a community college, and my goal then was just to get a good job.
So my first degree is in business.
My second degree is in criminal justice.
I graduated magna cum laude while working 40 hours a week at the community college library.
And then I got a master's in political science, a PhD in political science, and then after I had been a tenured professor at Princeton, I went back to school and got a master's in law from Yale.
Daryl, this is just unbelievable.
Now, when you were at Princeton, and I remember first encountering your work in my early career, you wrote a book that was about, if I remember, the Voting Rights Act, and you were a liberal and you were a Democrat, but you even then had conservative, I think, impulses, which I recognized.
I recognized that you were developing a sort of mode of dissent, even if very gently.
In retrospect, it was a pathway in which you were kind of moving away from the left.
Talk about what was instrumental in causing you to exit the Democratic Party.
Was it a conversion to Christianity, or was it something else?
I mean, there was something else, because as an undergraduate, I wrote my first paper, my senior thesis on affirmative action, and I was critical of it.
An undergraduate professor who was a Republican.
He was conservative. The Black students told me that he was a racist not to take his classes.
I immediately signed up for his classes because whatever people told me not to do, I usually did the opposite.
And he turned out to be conservative.
He exposed me to Glenn Lowry, to Milton Friedman, Edward Banfield, and some conservative thinkers.
And that may have been a factor, but I've always seen the world differently than other people around me.
And I think I've been able to see more than they see.
I'm usually ahead of everyone else.
Carol, when you went to Vanderbilt as a full professor, you told me that they didn't know what they were bargaining for.
They thought that they were getting one thing and they got something else.
What were they looking for and what did they get?
Well, they hired me in 1998 and I didn't come right away.
And what they didn't know was that I was going through a spiritual conversion that took me through New Age, Eastern religions and Full-blown Christian, born again.
And so by the time I showed up on their doorsteps and moved to Nashville, I was a new Christian.
And I became a divine believer at Yale.
And when I was hired by Vanderbilt, I negotiated a sabbatical up front.
I used that sabbatical to get another degree.
And while I was in New Haven, I became a divine believer.
So when I showed up, I showed up not the person they hired.
And, you know, God has a sense of humor.
And I didn't expect to stay in academia for another 18 years.
When we come back, I want to shift gears a little bit.
You've got a sense already of Carol Swain's remarkable life, but I want to talk about her new book, Black Eye for America.
It's about critical race theory.
So we're going to talk about systemic racism when we come back.
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I'm back with my friend Carol Swain.
Carol Swain is the co-author with Dr.
Chris Shore of a book, Black Eye for America, How Critical Race Theory is Burning Down the House.
Carol, let's dive right into the book and let's start by sort of defining critical race theory because...
You know, if we pull back a decade or two, people would talk about affirmative action.
Affirmative action understood in terms of racial preferences, and that was the kind of defining term.
Now it's critical race theory.
Is critical race theory the same old thing, or is there something radically different about it?
How would you define it?
It's different. I would say that it is a worldview that has Marxist roots.
And it's very much about dividing the world between oppressors and the oppressed.
Instead of class warfare, it is dividing whites against blacks.
But critical race theory is only one of many different critical theories.
There's critical queer theory, critical feminist theory, critical colonialism theory, as well as critical class theory.
It's always about division.
It all has Marxist roots.
And I want to say something about the book, but I want to, I don't know if your readers can see this cover.
This is an American flag on fire because, you know, the left has been literally burning down our house and our house is America.
And the book, Black Eye for America, it was written, you know, in two months.
And the purpose was to provide the American people with a tool that would equip them to fight back.
I had so many parents and all kinds of people were contacting me Asking me for help.
What could I do? What could they do?
And so in the book, we define what critical race theory is, where it came from, how it manifests itself in their environment, why it's un-American, why it runs counter to our civil rights laws and the Constitution.
And we have two chapters on how to fight back.
And it has a glossary because, you know, with critical race theory and the left, they keep changing the meanings of words and terms.
So there's a glossary, there's an index, and citations, tons of citations, and we engage the arguments of the political left, and we do all of this in 167 pages.
A committed reader can read the book in two hours, but the book is meant to be studied and digested.
It started as a primer, and it has been a bestseller.
Carol, let me ask you this.
You mentioned the strategy of division.
And if I remember in the 60s, Martin Luther King used the phrase, the beloved community.
And so, as I understand it, what King was saying is that we have struggle.
And in struggle, you obviously do set people against each other to rectify an injustice.
But the goal is not for the division to continue.
The division is temporary.
It is a means. And ultimately, you want to bring the other guy over to your side.
You want to create a single community united around shared goals.
Why did the left give up on that vision?
Even as every day, every year we ritually honor Martin Luther King, there seems to have been a deep betrayal of his principles.
Would you agree? And why did that come about?
There are all sorts of reasons.
One is that Marxism is at the root of everything that's taken place.
And so they have a progressive agenda.
That has nothing to do with the betterment of our society, with bringing people together.
And I think that for some of the liberals, the ones that are being used by the Radical progressives.
Nothing they have tried has worked.
Look at all the Democratic Party strategies that they claim was to bring about equity and equality.
It didn't work the way they promised.
And so I think that CRT, the way it's being used, it serves the purposes of the Democratic Party because it blames whites for everything.
So we look at disparities that people, you know, that live in crime-ridden neighborhoods and they have lousy jobs and poor schools, they're not responsible. You can blame white people for everything that takes place in your life. And then I would argue that critical race theory is a racist, white supremacist theory, because it argues that only white people can be racist, that white people
have a property interest in their whiteness, that white people have to divest themselves of their whiteness, and that racism is permanent, and that racial and ethnic minorities, they don't want an equal opportunity anymore.
They want equity, equal outcomes.
They want to dumb down math.
They want to dumb down all the standards of achievement, and even the things that we have known that make for success They don't believe that minorities are capable of achieving success in America.
So they're very racist.
And to me, they're the biggest argument, CRT, against any idea that the Democratic Party switched places with the Republicans, because right now they are pushing segregation and they are pushing inferior educational, racial and ethnic minorities.
It's striking to me that a lot of these leaders of colleges, for example, that are promoting critical race theory, this is a woke white leadership that is pushing this.
So this is not something, it seems, that's coming out of minority groups, not as if blacks and Latinos are pushing for more of this.
In fact, it appears as if there is some active resistance in minority communities to what these woke whites are trying to do to them.
I think so. And I think that a lot of Black people are awakening to this.
In fact, the move towards homeschooling is being led by Black families now.
I think 16% of the increase has been Black families since the pandemic.
And then the disapproval for Joe Biden.
Black people, 20% of them, you know, have lost, no longer have any confidence in Biden.
I don't know why they would in the first place, but black people, this is not a black people movement, and immigrants, too, are pushing back against CRT and the communist agenda that underlies Marxism and critical race theory.
Carol, I want to congratulate you.
You've been doing great work, and I'm excited about reading the new book.
Thanks for the description, and thanks for joining me on the podcast.
Thank you. My pleasure.
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New York is ending its gifted and talented program in schools, in elementary schools.
A program that gives special attention to gifted and talented students.
And there are, in some cases, whole schools that focus on these gifted and talented students.
And it's a merit-based program because you have to show a certain degree of giftedness and talent to get into it.
And then you are taught at your level.
Now, this is apparently something that Mayor de Blasio, it's almost like his parting kick to New York City.
This is a guy that's leaving office in three months, and he wants to overhaul the education system before he does in the name of equity.
What else? Now, the New York Times reporting on this keeps using the word segregated.
They're racially segregated, gifted, and talented education classes.
But they don't mean it's racially segregated in the old sense.
Obviously, New York isn't saying, listen, only whites are allowed to enter this program.
No, it's a merit-based program.
So here's what they mean when they call it segregated.
This gets kind of to the heart of the matter.
About 75% of the roughly 16,000 students in gifted elementary school classes in New York are white or Asian American.
Those groups make up about 25% of the overall school system.
So, whites and Asian-Americans who make up a quarter of the population, the relevant population, are over-represented by a factor of three. Again, not because they are discriminating against anyone, but because they are out-performing other groups. Now, the new incoming mayor of New York, a more sensible guy than de Blasio, also a leftist, also a democrat, this is Eric Adams.
But Eric Adams said, listen, we don't have to get rid of the gifted program because what we need to do is make gifted and talented opportunities available to poor students in all the schools so that we essentially expand the reach of merit so that if there are kids who have potential and that potential is not being tapped, maybe we can start tapping it.
Now, the good news is that this guy Adams can, he will have the power to undo what de Blasio is trying to do.
But I think de Blasio is trying to do it now and do it in such a radical way by shutting these programs down that they will have to be reconstituted or rebuilt from the ground up.
It remains to be seen if this Eric Adams fellow has the guts to To say, look, you know what?
If you want to slam the door on your way out, I'm going to fix it when I come in.
Because this is, in fact, really an attack on merit, an attack on academic standards.
Look, Debbie was, for many years, a school teacher.
And, you know, there is a problem here.
The problem is that, how do you teach a class in which you've got students of varying ability?
Well, Debbie says that her administrators always told her, teach to the middle.
Teach to the middle kids in the class.
You can't teach the ones at the top because then you leave out the ones at the bottom.
You can't teach the ones at the bottom because then you leave out the ones at the top.
It's a compromise aimed at, well, you'd have to say, some form of mediocrity.
So the merit program is a way of trying to solve that problem by saying, okay, if we pull out the gifted kids and we have them study in a gifted class, then they're going to be taught at their level.
The rest of the class can be taught at its level.
So this is an effort to encourage talent, encourage merit, Get the bright students to be able to perform at the best level.
And de Blasio doesn't like that.
He sees it, I'm sure, like the New York Times is segregated.
And so rather than trying to diffuse merit and build everyone to their true potential, in order to sort of elevate the bottom, they're pulling down the top.
Just a few weeks ago, one of America's leading non-profit law firms, First Liberty Institute, asked patriots like you to sign their letter to help stop President Biden's radical scheme to pack the U.S. Supreme Court.
Since then, a quarter of a million people have signed, with tens of thousands joining their coalition every day.
Franklin Graham, former U.S. Attorney General Ed Meese, Dr.
James Dobson, the Family Policy Alliance, the Heritage Foundation, they're all on board.
If we don't stop the radical left from installing four more justices so they can rig the system in their favor, it will end the rule of law as we know it in America.
Please sign your name now, like Debbie and I both have.
Go to SupremeCoup.com to sign First Liberty's letter.
That's SupremeCoup.com, and may God bless America.
I'm going to continue my discussion of James Madison which I introduced on Friday talking about the kind of democracy that Madison In other words, not just a democracy that reflected, unfiltered the will of the American people, but also a democracy that respected individual rights, minority rights.
Madison was concerned about two types of tyranny, the tyranny of the one, which is monarchy, but also the tyranny of the many, the tyranny of the people themselves, what the founder has called tyranny of the majority.
In order to appreciate the greatness of Madison, we have to sort of come to terms with the problem that he was dealing with, the big problem that he was trying to solve.
And by the way, the problem he was trying to solve was a universal problem long known before Madison.
And what makes Madison interesting is that some people thought that that problem was insoluble.
Others proposed solutions in the ancient world, and most notably The Italian poet and statesman, Dante, who wrote The Divine Comedy, most famous for The Divine Comedy.
But Dante also wrote another work called The Monarchia.
And I'm using Dante here as a kind of stand-in, a representative, an intelligent representative of the medieval world, who identified the problem and offered his solution.
And what I find interesting about Madison is that he tackled the same problem and he offered the exact opposite solution.
So we have here with Dante and Madison across not only this stretch of space, one writing in Italy, the other in the United States, in America, but also across time.
Dante writing in the 14th century, in the 1300s.
And Madison, of course, a figure of the 18th century.
So almost 500 years, half a millennium separates the two.
The problem, of course, that we're talking about is strife.
It is societies that get so divided in which citizens are set against each other that you have perpetual, restless conflict.
And that's the problem.
And the question is, how do you solve it?
Now, Dante's solution, I'm going to show, was, and this will seem a little preposterous to you, but it's not preposterous in principle, and you'll come to see why in a moment.
Dante's solution was world government.
World government with a single Christian, and for Dante that meant Roman monarch, will be the best recipe to remove Not remove conflict from the world, but remove conflict from producing injustice and breaking up and dividing and wrecking, you may say, the stability and peace of the world.
And with Madison, we'll see that far from advocating world government, Madison identifies the problem as exactly the same.
Madison doesn't call it strife.
Madison calls it faction.
But you can see by faction, we're talking about individual gangs or groups motivated by greed and self-interest, trying to basically get something for themselves, even at the expense of others.
But Madison's solution is the opposite of Dante's.
Not world government, but decentralized government broken up into federal versus state, broken up into legislature versus executive versus judiciary.
Not only separation of powers, but checks and balances in which all these different branches are kind of jealously overseeing each other.
So for Madison, the same Conundrum requires a sort of diametrically opposed solution.
Let's look at Dante for a moment, because Dante says that the biggest problem for mankind is that mankind is not united.
That there's no concord.
That's the word he uses. There's no concord.
And he goes, mankind at its best is going to work well when people are in concord.
And by concord, Dante means cooperation.
He doesn't mean that they're of one mind, they all agree, but he means that cooperation is the essence of having a stable and peaceful society and peaceful world.
Dante appeals to Christianity.
He says one of the lines out of scripture that he quotes, Glory to God on high, and on earth peace to men of good will.
In the Mass, people say, right in the middle of the Mass, peace be with you.
And so the idea here, Dante says, is peace.
Peace is an important goal of mankind.
And the enemy of peace, says Dante, is what he calls cupidity, which is basically jealousy, the desire, avarice, and faction, the different factions that try to get more for themselves.
So Dante says, what if you had a ruler, a kind of all-wise ruler, That didn't have any jealousy and wasn't part of any faction, was above all the factions, was neutral in the true sense.
Wouldn't that kind of a person, if they are wise and just, wouldn't they be able to implement true global justice?
And Dante goes, of course.
And Dante's not afraid of having one person with absolute power because he goes, what's that guy going to want to be?
What more can he have?
He already has absolute power.
He already basically runs the world.
So this guy is not going to be, I want more of this, I want more of that.
He already has everything he wants.
So therefore, he can set all that aside and he can implement, Dante thinks, true justice.
So for Dante, the model of the perfect human society is in fact the model of the divine government of the universe.
Just as God rules the universe as its creator and as its sovereign, Dante, in a sense, looks to an earthly equivalent.
Now Dante realizes all the practical problems.
Dante even says, look, I'm not trying to say We want to have one set of laws.
He goes, no, the Scythians and the Parthians and the Persians all will have their own laws, but there will be certain common issues of human nature that arise worldwide that are not specific to Persia or specific to India, and we need a universal sovereign to arbitrate fairly and without partiality those disputes,
and who better than a single ruler, and he's thinking here of a sort of Enlightened Roman ruler, a Christianized Roman ruler, perhaps somebody like Marcus Aurelius, but a Christian Marcus Aurelius who would supervise the whole planet.
Now, the interesting thing, as I say, is that James Madison agreed with much of the premises of Dante, which is to say he agreed that we need stability and peace, and we need concord.
But, says Madison, look, human nature is so warped, We're not going to get that very easily.
And quite honestly, I think Madison is skeptical that if you had a single ruler, that that ruler would, as a practical matter, be immune from faction.
That that ruler could not be taken over by a particular faction and use their power against others in an unjust manner.
So, what Madison does is he takes the exact same problem, the problem of strife, the problem of faction, and he proposes the opposite solution, a solution as he sees it, more in line with human nature.
For Madison, the significant thing is not that human government can mirror divine government.
Yes, divine government should work that way.
It is a monarchy, an enlightened monarchy, because God is all-wise, and God is omnipotent, and God is not going to make a mistake, and God is not going to be unjust.
But, Madison says, in a sense, human beings are not angels, which is to say that this divine model can't be applied to human society in that way.
Now, Madison's full solution will have to wait till tomorrow.
In which I'm going to disclose how Madison, starting from the premise that we want to overcome the problems of faction, the poison of faction, comes up with a remarkable new solution, a solution that becomes the basis for the new constitutional architecture of this new society called America, a solution that has stood us in very good stead right up to the present and that we abandon now at our peril.
Hey guys, I hope you're enjoying the podcast and learning from it.
And if questions undoubtedly occur to you from time to time, and I'd love to hear them.
So if you're up for it, do an audio or video question.
Email it to me at questiondinesh at gmail.com.
And I try to answer questions periodically on the podcast.
Let's go to today's question.
Listen. Hi Dinesh, Chris Christian here from Middle Tennessee.
Love your podcast. Quick question for you.
I have noticed that agitators, academics, CRT folk, etc.
like to point out math, industry, showing up on time, punctuality, trustworthiness, etc.
as being white supremacist constructs and power structures made to support white control of society.
And what I'm curious about is whether or not anyone has done any research and if you perhaps might have some thoughts on That being really more of a universal human success formula than a white supremacist construct, it seems to me that in agrarian societies and tribal societies, in Africa and South America, anywhere that you find humans gathering, one must be timely, one must be reliable, one must participate in society, and be responsible in order for the tribe to succeed.
So it seems to me that's human formula for success, not white supremacy.
Would really appreciate your thoughts.
Thanks. Bye. That's a very good question.
I agree completely with the idea that these qualities are not racial.
In fact, by and large, I would say in today's America, you see these qualities of not just punctuality but hard work, the development of human potential in a wide range of areas, not just academic but also extracurricular.
We see this even more with Asian Americans than we do with whites.
We might as well relabel these as Indian or Chinese qualities because they are more in evidence with those groups than they are today with whites.
Now, in every culture, And one can go back to ancient cultures.
There are certain obvious requirements for success.
Now, I agree that these requirements will vary considerably as we go across space and across time.
So it could be, for example, in very ancient primitive cultures.
It was not important so much to show up on time because there was no real concept of time.
It was really more important to be able to mobilize, for example, if you are attacked by a pack of wolves or by wild animals or to survive in a cave.
So that requires a whole different set of skills, but it does require a set of objective skills.
And if you don't have those skills, you're going to end up in a carcass on the ground.
Now, the concepts that you're talking about of punctuality, of Being able to work cooperatively together and so on.
These do depend upon a certain infrastructure of modern technological society.
They're not universal in the sense that it could be that even today, there are certain cultures in which other qualities are more valued than these.
But in a modern industrial competitive society, to get ahead, there's no question, these are the cultural ingredients of success.
I mean, if you're gonna make a business appointment and you don't show up, you show up an hour late, that's not gonna be good for getting the contract.
And so one of the problems that we have in inner cities, for example, is that people are not taught the basic ingredients of how to hold a job.
People say things like, well, these people don't have jobs.
But even if they had jobs, you look at these guys, these gang members and so on, you say, is this a guy who's going to show up for work, is going to punch a time clock, is going to be respectful to authority, is going to be able to deal in a cordial manner with customers?
And the answer is no, no, no, no, and no.
So our society is failing.
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