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Sept. 30, 2021 - Dinesh D'Souza
49:54
RACE TO THE BOTTOM Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep 186
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Critical race theory isn't just a demented ideology, it's a cultural revolution.
I'll tell the story of that revolution.
Even the Taliban, the Taliban is now talking about safe spaces.
So I'm going to envision what a fully woke Taliban might look like.
Political analyst Gordon Chang joins me.
We're going to talk about why it might have been better for America to let China sleep.
And finally, I'm going to resolve the question of how Thomas Jefferson, a slave owner, could nevertheless at the same time insist that all men are created equal.
Well, this is the Dinesh D'Souza podcast.
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We're living through a real cultural revolution. We've heard this term cultural revolution. We think of it in terms of Mao's cultural revolution in the 1960s. But there's been a cultural revolution going on in America. How do we We've heard this term, cultural revolution.
We think of it in terms of Mao's cultural revolution in the 1960s.
But there's been a cultural revolution going on in America.
How do we know?
It's when you step out and you realize suddenly that you're not living in quite the same country.
America is a different country than you remember it.
Different country than it was.
Not just when you were a kid, not just a generation or two generations ago, but just not so long ago, a few years ago.
Now I was looking over social media, as I do every day, and I was looking at some documentation of how the Federal Reserve.
This is one of the most staid, somber, dull organizations in America.
It's made up largely of bespectacled, pencil-wielding economists.
And the Federal Reserve is promoting critical race theory.
The Federal Reserve is having seminars on white supremacy and structural racism.
Now, these are guys who normally worry about interest rates.
They worry about debt.
They worry about different types of ratios.
And yet, they too have opened the door to this racialization of everything.
And I literally mean everything.
We might have thought at the beginning that the left will try to grab a hold of the large megaphones of culture, so they're going to try to have woke ideology permeate the media, which it does, permeate the entertainment world, not just Hollywood, but all of it, which it largely does, to permeate academia, even elementary and secondary schools, which it does.
And then we notice that the same ideology we find in kind of unexpected places.
We find it in sports teams, the women's soccer team, the NFL. We find it, we talked on the podcast a few days ago, at the Salvation Army.
The good old bell ringers, they're too issuing proclamations, comical and ridiculous proclamations, but proclamations nevertheless about fighting racism, I guess, in the world of philanthropy.
And so our institutions, one by one, seem to have succumbed, seem to have collapsed, seem to have given in.
And all of this has happened pretty rapidly.
I mean, not quite as fast as the Taliban's takeover of Kabul, to be sure, but with that kind of breakneck speed.
Now, I want to trace how this revolution came about because in some ways it is a testament to the tenacity, to the organizational determination, the dogged insistence of the left over really a period of a hundred years.
And I raise the question because in a sense I'm asking whether we who want to contest this revolution, undermine it, push it back, block it, do we have this kind of tenacity on our side?
All of this goes back to the early part of the 20th century when the Marxist revolution never came to be and so the Italian communist Gramsci talked about the need for the left, for the Marxists to take over the organs of culture and take over what Gramsci called bourgeois culture.
But for Gramsci, this was just something he wrote in the prison notebooks.
Nobody really paid all that much attention.
It wasn't until the 1960s that this notion of the long march through the institutions became serious business.
The 1960s, though, it was kind of disorganized.
And all the different groups were pushing their own agenda.
So the feminists were pushing the feminist line of thinking.
And then you had the kind of race argument, which is moving alongside it.
and then there was gay liberation.
And these were parallel tracks, but they weren't the same track.
You didn't have a kind of coherent ideology.
And second of all, there was a lot of emphasis, even in the 60s, on the idea of the proletariat, the working class, the idea of using race and gender, yes, but also class.
What's happened now is you can almost say that the Gramscian stage was the birth the birth of woke ideology.
The 60s was its kind of infancy.
It became a kid. It became a teenager.
And now it has reached maturity, which is to say it has reached adulthood.
These same Marxist themes, but they're now transposed.
Very little talk about the working class, very little talk about unions.
It's all race, class, gender, sometimes climate change thrown in there.
But all these causes are now merged.
They're not separate tracks at all.
They're a single track in which each of the different, it's almost like different rivers are coming together into one giant current and all the different mini-currents are pushing the current along, dragging the rest of us with it.
And the left's goal is nothing less than to take over everything.
This is in fact, I think it was Mussolini who first used the phrase totalitarian, and he used the phrase as a positive term.
For Mussolini, a totalitarian state was a good thing.
You wanted the state to take over everything.
Why?
Because the state then represented a kind of unified, singular dedication to what Mussolini saw as the public good.
The public good contrasted with the individual kind of selfish goods.
And this is how the left thinks.
They want their virtue.
Their revolution, after all, no less than the French Revolution, is the revolution of virtue.
Virtue defined in ways that may be unrecognizable to you and me, but as they see it, virtue.
It's conformity. We are going to make you.
We're going to bake you, in a sense, blend your individual will with the general will.
This is their goal. And they're going to take it through the cities, through the courts, through the military, through all the institutions and all the agencies.
It's taken about, as I say, a century.
And now they have arrived.
We're not going to overturn this in a day.
It's not going to be, oh, there's some parents who are revolting in Fairfax County, Virginia, and that's going to be it.
No. I think what we need on our side is a blueprint.
And we need a pathway.
And we need a long-term strategy for, if not recapturing these wayward institutions, creating institutions of our own.
We need to show the same kind of It took them, as I say, a great deal of effort to get to this point, and it will take us a great deal of effort to get where we want to go.
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Don't forget to use promo code DINESH. Is the Taliban going woke?
Well, I don't think they're going woke, but they certainly are talking woke.
They've sort of assimilated, you might say, leftist woke vocabulary.
I'm reading an article where this Taliban leader is accused of excluding women from Afghan universities.
And he goes, well, yeah, we do do that.
But he goes, that's because we are creating, quote, a safe Islamic environment for men.
So, let's think about it.
We've got safe spaces throughout American universities where people can feel comfortable.
And you may say... Not be either tempted or harassed by things that could make them uncomfortable.
Well, evidently the Taliban is taking this exact logic and saying, well, that applies to Islamic men.
We don't want them getting excessively aroused or taunted or distracted from their Islamic duties.
So, we too are creating our own safe spaces.
So, this is not really the Taliban going woke.
You might wonder, how can the most illiberal regime in the world go woke?
Well, Let's remember that the wokesters themselves are illiberal.
So the Taliban, in that sense, is on the same side as the woke left in America.
And I was trying to think to myself, what would it be like if you were to go to have a Taliban ministry of wokeness, in which all the policies of the Taliban, all its different practices are defended in woke terms?
So let's try it out.
Censorship. Well, the Taliban practices censorship, but the woke left practices censorship.
So, censoring people who don't agree with you is, in fact, woke.
It's Taliban woke, and it's American woke.
What about Taliban indoctrination in the schools, the madrasas that basically give you a straight line and you've got to follow it?
This is the Islamic way to think.
There's no other way to think.
Well... What about the way the Taliban treats gays?
Well... Cultural diversity.
The Taliban, after all, drops buildings on gays.
And you could argue, you know, first of all, who are we to impose our values on them?
They're a different society.
They have a right to express their own culture.
Plus, they're contributing to the diversity of the world.
Think about it. Nobody else in the world drops buildings on gays.
So the Taliban, by doing that, is pursuing a culturally unique and distinct path.
What about mass executions?
Well, that's basically an extreme form of censorship if you think about it.
Execution is basically shutting you up, but for good.
Right? So the Taliban can say, we're basically Facebook with a machete.
We basically, we get a little carried away sometimes, but we are carrying things to their extreme conclusion.
What about pedophilia?
Because we know all about the Afghan, the Bacha Bazi, the fooling around with the little boys.
We're basically going Hollywood.
We're basically following the pattern of the left, of taking down all the guardrails and all the normal restraints.
Same with polygamy. They'll say, we're basically attacking the nuclear family the same as the left.
The left is attacking the nuclear family.
Well, we're trying to replace the nuclear family.
Except in our case, it's not kind of serial monogamy, kind of the way the left.
We have polygamy.
We just go all the way. And in fact, we are even a little restrained about it.
You can have wives, but no more than four.
That's, after all, the Islamic way.
What about abuse of women?
Hey Taliban, don't you guys abuse women?
The Taliban could say, wait a minute, women?
We don't recognize women.
We only recognize people with uteruses.
And after all, men can have uteruses too.
Men too can have children.
What's all this making these binary distinctions between male and female and accusing us based upon the very categories that you're using to accuse us are false?
False. What about floggings and beatings that the Taliban likes to engage in?
Well, they could say, you can find the same floggings in America.
There's a lot of sadomasochism going on.
Just go to the Folsom Street Fair.
You'll see all kinds of people being publicly flogged, and many of them actually like it.
They enjoy the flogging.
So what's to say that the people being flogged in Kabul don't enjoy it?
What makes one kind of flogging better than the other?
And finally, cutting off of testicles, which is in fact something, well, this is a judicial punishment in radical Islam, and they can say, listen, we're just helping these men to transition.
We're just helping them to become women.
After all, once your testicles are chopped off, all you have to do is identify as a woman and thank the guy who did it for you.
After all, it was done for free.
You don't even have to pay a doctor.
You don't have to go through the process.
What I'm getting at here is, I think this is a way that the Taliban can endear itself to the Biden administration.
The Biden administration is, you know, they're a little embarrassed by what happened in Afghanistan.
So the Taliban, if it wants to get American diplomatic recognition...
This is one way. They need to appoint a woke advisor.
And no, no, I'm not going to do it.
I'm simply throwing out a few suggestions that they might consider.
But maybe if I grew a beard, I'd be eligible.
They'd be like, yeah, Mullah Dinesh.
You're now in charge of...
You're now the woke advisor to the Taliban.
Well, the problem is I've already given you the recipe, guys.
All you need to do is put it into practice and you're going to get a lot of applause from people like Jake Sullivan, from people like Anthony Blinken, and maybe even one-handed applause from the doddering Joe Biden.
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Guys, I'm really happy to welcome to the podcast someone I follow on social media and I enjoy reading his articles and works.
It's Gordon Chang.
He's the author of The Coming Collapse of China and also The Great U.S.-China Tech War.
He writes for Newsweek.
He writes for The Hill.
He's lived and worked in Hong Kong and China.
Gordon, thanks for joining me.
I really appreciate it.
We really need to learn so much more about China.
China, let me start by asking you about Chinese reaction to the debacle, the disaster in Afghanistan.
Is this something that boosts the spirit of China and tells China that they are now in the running, let's say, to be a rival superpower to the United States?
Beijing was ecstatic about what happened in Afghanistan, and we can see it from their propaganda.
They had two narratives as Kabul was falling.
First one was that the U.S. couldn't deal with the ragtag insurgents of the Taliban, so how could they hope to counter the magnificent China?
And the second one was directed towards both Taiwan and the U.S., and Beijing was saying to Taipei, well, look, once we decide to invade you, you'll fall in a day or two, and the U.S. won't come to help.
So clearly China has been emboldened by the fall of Kabul.
Yeah. Do you think the Biden administration would move effectively to resist that?
Or do you think the Chinese are right that the Biden people are just not capable of mounting any kind of effective resistance?
We don't know what the Biden team would do if there were indeed an invasion of Taiwan.
I tend to think that the United States, and this is just general policy, Dinesh, that the United States, whoever the president is, would come to Taiwan's aid for a number of reasons.
But now it's especially important because after the fall of Afghanistan, allies around the world are disheartened and they need to see some show of US resolve.
So I hope, but I don't know, that the Biden administration would defend Taiwan.
Let's talk a little bit about what's going on inside of China before we turn back to the world in general.
You write that there has been a real transformation inside China and a more recent transformation involving Xi Jinping in which there is an inward turn.
The Chinese are in a sense shutting out outside influences.
In some ways they may even be clamping down on their own economy in a sort of Maoist way.
Talk a little bit about internal developments in China of which many of us know very little.
Well, Xi Jinping, the Chinese ruler, I think feels quite fragile these days.
And what he's doing is he is starting his common prosperity program, which looks very much like Maoism.
And really, as you point out, he's closing off China from the rest of the world.
He's also attacking domestic Chinese private entrepreneurs.
And the big tech companies, which are largely privately owned.
So really, we're going back towards a state model.
This is really dangerous for a number of reasons because at the same time, we're seeing changes in the Chinese political system that is driving it really towards directions that make it much more belligerent toward the rest of the world.
Now, Maoism, of course, married Marxism to a certain kind of Chinese nationalism.
And the Chinese today, economically, are much, much stronger than they were at the time of Mao.
So, in that sense, Xi Jinping has this...
Do you think that in that sense, this new Maoism, if we can call it that, is even more formidable because it is backed up, not just by greater economic might, but greater military might?
Oh, absolutely. When Mao started the Cultural Revolution in 1966, he was sort of on the sidelines of power.
And what he was doing was trying to rile up the Chinese people against his political enemies.
But at that time, Mao didn't have the means to attack foreigners to try to create this support for himself.
Well, this is not the Cultural Revolution yet, but Xi Jinping is trying to do the same thing, trying to get the support of the Chinese people against his political rivals.
But Xi Jinping does have the power to invade other countries or to create disturbances abroad.
So this makes China much more dangerous.
And the parallels with the Cultural Revolution, the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, are really stark.
Do you think that at the end of the Cold War, with the fall of the Berlin Wall, with the disintegration of the Soviet Empire, the Communist Party abolishing itself, many people thought that A, we now have a single superpower, America, and B, that that bipolar world that defined American foreign policy in the second half of the 20th century was obsolete.
Now, could it be that we are returning to a new situation in which the Soviet Union is replaced by, quite honestly, another communist country, China, even bigger, a billion-plus people stretching over multiple time zones as the Soviet Union did?
Are we sort of back to the middle of the 20th century in that respect?
Yes, we are. Because, you know, a lot of people say, oh, we don't want a new Cold War.
Well, the reality is that we are already in a new Cold War.
And the only thing is that we Americans are so oblivious that we don't want to fight it.
But China, through very malicious means, has really started this global competition.
And the United States hasn't responded.
And that means we're at great risk because we're not defending ourselves.
When we come back I want to ask Gordon Chang about some of the developments inside of America that go into the shaping of American foreign policy.
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I'm back with the political strategist and author, Gordon Chang, author of The Coming Collapse of China and also The Great U.S.-China Tech War.
He's written for all kinds of magazines.
You can follow him on Twitter, at Gordon G. Chang.
Gordon, we were talking a little bit about the new Cold War in comparison with the old Cold War.
Now, America in the 19, certainly in the 1940s, 50s, 60s, was, it seems to me, a more unified country.
There was certainly political divisions in the country, but nevertheless, if you think, for example, of Democratic and Republican presidents, Truman, JFK, Eisenhower, and so on, they were committed to fighting the Cold War.
And in general, their strategy for doing it didn't even differ all that much.
Now, it seems like we're in a completely different place in America today.
What do you think the dividedness of contemporary America, what kind of impact will that have on America's ability to meet international challenges like China?
I think it means that although the United States is far stronger than any other country, if you just look at the metrics, it means that we are in many ways a weaker state than, for instance, China, and maybe even weaker than Russia.
The thing right now is that in the beginning of the Cold War, we didn't have the Soviet Union really messing in our politics to the extent that China and Russia are doing now.
And China's and Russia's troll operations And their promotion of unrest in the U.S., their incitement to violence right now, really does divide us.
Talk about that, because I don't know enough about that.
I know in general about, let's focus on China.
What are the Chinese doing in America to either push false narratives or divide the American people?
What kind of role does China play today?
China's actually committing acts of war.
A Radio Free Asia report tells us that an intelligence unit of the People's Liberation Army based themselves in the now-closed Chinese Houston Consulate, and from there they were using big data and artificial intelligence to identify Americans likely to participate in Black Lives Matter and Antifa protests.
And then the Chinese military created and sent them via TikTok videos on how to riot.
Now this was subterfuge, but we've also had official Chinese people in the media, like the Communist Party's China Daily, openly advocate violence on American streets.
These are acts of war, Dinesh, and clearly we are not taking measures to prevent China from doing this.
Is it the case also, Gordon, that countries like China can either directly or through intermediaries provide funding for the vast network of research institutes and so on that exist in Washington, D.C.? Because after all, this is a way to buy influence.
The Chinese probably are not unaware of that.
Are they using their economic strength to buy their way into American politics?
They're certainly doing that with think tanks, with universities.
They operate through Wall Street, through the Fortune 500.
But let me give you another example, and that is in late January of last year, U.S. Customs and Border Protection at the International Falls Port of Entry in Minnesota intercepted 900,000 counterfeit $1 bills.
Nobody counterfeits one dollar bills for profit.
Nobody in China's near total surveillance state can counterfeit American currency.
We don't know what the Chinese were up to.
I tend to think that they were trying to finance protesters on a sort of below the radar way.
I don't know what it is, but counterfeiting another country's currency, that's also an act of war.
So you're saying that the Chinese, in a way, are, you know, when we talked about saber rattling in the 1980s, we were talking about things like statements that were made in Pravda and other types of Soviet propaganda instruments.
You're saying the Chinese are literally in America, kind of in a brazen way, trying to create problems here in this country, and they're sort of daring the United States to do anything about it.
Right. I'll just give you an example of the scope of China's efforts.
In June of last year, Twitter took down 174,000 fake Chinese accounts.
That's one social media platform, one month, 174,000 accounts.
Wow. Where do you think this is all going?
You know, in some ways, when I think about the rival, you know, U.S. model, let's loosely call it liberal democracy, and the Chinese model, which is the totalitarian model, in some ways, I have to pause these days because it seems that some of the ingredients that we see in China, I'm now seeing in America.
I mean, Xi Jinping is probably the world's number one censor, but isn't it a Mark Zuckerberg are number two and number three.
So some of these things that we previously identified were totalitarian regimes, going after political protesters, locking up dissidents, widespread regimes of censorship.
It takes a different form in the United States, but don't you see it happening here?
Oh, we certainly do.
And the left does not have a commitment to the First Amendment.
It's as simple as that.
This is, of course, an extremely complicated topic, but we see it through all phases of cancel culture.
And now it's gotten into corporate boardrooms, you know, with the Georgia law, the Texas law.
This is really worrying when you start to think about this.
And you marry this, of course, to the technology that is available to the government with vaccine passports, the rest of it.
We could end up seeing something like a social credit system that China is instituting nationwide there.
Of course, it's a long way from here.
Remember, we always had this opposition to a national identity card.
Well, it's coming into being through the back door.
I mean, I just talked about it earlier on the podcast, how countries like Australia have moved in the Chinese direction toward almost police state type of crackdowns.
And we're not talking about against rioters.
We're talking about against ordinary citizens on the street where you've got militarized police chasing people across the street.
So it seems that not just from China, but even from Western countries like Australia, there's a sober warning to be had here in the United States.
Yes, well, Canada.
I mean, all of those images we had of police going into churches and the rest of it, this is on our northern border, and so it's a lot closer than Australia.
Gordon Chang, thank you very much.
I really enjoyed having you on the podcast.
I appreciate it. Oh, well, thank you so much, Dinesh.
I really appreciate the opportunity.
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Have you seen these images and videos coming out of Australia?
We're actually lucky to have them because the Australian government is doing what it can to block them, in fact, to restrict the media.
And they're like here, some of the media is, much of the media is complicit.
The media is doing the bidding of the government.
I'm talking here about the kind of police state brutality that is being unleashed, particularly in the area of Melbourne, in Victoria, against dissenters and against protesters.
And I've never seen anything quite like this.
In fact, it occurred to me that if this were going on, let's say in Haiti or Rwanda or Sri Lanka, it's almost like we think, wow, this is a third world crackdown.
Should America get involved?
You know, John Bolton sending memos, maybe we should invade.
Because by and large, these are the sort of signature signs of repressive governments.
And except these repressive governments have come home, you might say.
I mean, let's remember,
essentially, Australia, Or at least a large part of it, has gone from a relatively free society.
It's never been quite as free as here.
It's not really the crocodile Dundee society that many people imagine.
But nevertheless, a relatively free society to being a virtual police state in one year.
In one year. This is a kind of...
This dystopian world on the Australian street, a medical, you know, martial law, if you will, in which the police are out there in force.
Take a look at this little clip here, which is just a glimpse, and I've picked one of the more kind of inoffensive clips.
You're going to see the police, you know, first of all, they're accoutred as if they are, they're Taking down some terrorist organization.
Except the terrorist organization in this case is the Australian people.
It's people on the street.
And there are further images of cops running after these people and firing rubber bullets at them.
You see these armored vehicles on the Australian street, almost like urban combat tanks.
And what are they doing? Is there some kind of revolt in Australia?
No. You've just got people who are being captured for being, quote, outside their neighborhood.
You're getting people who are pulled in for questioning.
You've got people who are being not just fired and pushed out of public life, but in a sense hunted down.
And as I think about this, and I think about these Australian cops who are playing tough guy on the street, I have to remember, these are the same guys who took a knee for George Floyd last year.
This was going on not just in America, it was going on even in far away Australia, even down under.
And these are people who seem perfectly happy to play the rule of the official goon.
They've created a kind of apartheid state in Australia, essentially a two-class society.
Of course, the rich and famous are successful.
They get exemptions all the time.
Even in sports, certain sporting events, because the Aussies are crazy about these events, they're like, okay, well, you know what?
You have an exemption. So just as here, the rules don't apply equally to everybody.
And then the media is being shut up.
It's really remarkable to see all this going on in a Western country, and yet the press is saying almost nothing about it.
The people on the street, even though these are ordinary guys, working class guys, union guys, they're being portrayed as if they're somehow neo-Nazis.
Neo-Nazis in Australia, really, now?
So, what you have is something very disturbing.
Now, I was a little reassured to see that a number of union guys, this is truckers and people particularly in South Australia, went berserk.
And they basically started screaming at their own leadership.
Why? Because their own leadership there, as here, is kind of in bed with the government.
Their own leadership sides with the government, with the regime, against their own union members.
And the union members were demanding that their unions speak for them.
What's the point of having a union if the union won't speak for you?
Now, the unions in Australia are pervasive.
They're actually very powerful.
And if the union members are able to prevail in this, we might begin to see a turning of the tide.
But I think failing that, Australia is, at least from the point of view of maintaining a kind of modicum of freedom, admittedly in a difficult time, This is becoming a lost cause over there.
And if we're not careful, it will become a lost cause over here.
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I've been thinking about General Milley and his testimony, and I have a new insight to share about it that had not occurred to me before.
Now, Millie said...
Apparently in defense against the idea that he was usurping President Trump's authority, Milley said, I'm carrying out Trump's intention.
Trump had no intention of attacking China.
I'm not responding to Trump being out of control.
I'm actually responding to Chinese fears that the Chinese might be attacked.
And I wanted to allay those fears.
I wanted to, in his words, de-escalate, Milley says.
And that's why I made the call.
Now, it occurred to me, if the Chinese had these fears, how were they communicated to Milley?
How did Milley know that the Chinese had these fears?
Did General Li or Xi Jinping say something or call Milley and say, hey, we're really worried about what's going on in America?
It turns out, no.
You have to go back to Milley's own comments to see what he exactly said.
I'm going to now read. And I'm reading from the transcript of the video.
The specific purpose of the October and January calls were generated by, and here's the key term, concerning intelligence.
Concerning intelligence. Which caused us to believe the Chinese were worried about an attack on them by the United States.
Wow. Think about this.
The Chinese said nothing.
They gave no indication that they were worried.
Who said they were worried?
The fourth branch of government, the deep state.
The U.S. intelligence agency said to Milley, oh, we believe the Chinese are really worried.
You need to do something about this.
And General Milley was responding then, not to the Chinese.
He was responding to his own deep state.
The deep state in America was manipulating the situation, not the Chinese.
This, by the way, is confirmed by a statement I just saw from former DNI Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe.
He was on with Martha McCallum, and he goes, there is no, we have no intelligence that China had any such concerns.
This is something that is generated internally.
So now you have to ask a completely different question, which is not, by the way, Did General Milley unwittingly reveal that he got it from U.S. intelligence?
Is he blowing the cover?
To say that is to kind of miss the story.
The real story is, what is the intelligence community's agenda in putting Milley up to this?
Let's remember, this is the same intelligence community.
This is the same fourth branch of government that has been trying, had been trying, for four years to get Trump.
So they are the ones who put out the rumor, quite likely the false rumor.
Hey, the Chinese are worried because Trump has gone berserk.
You, Millie, need to do something about it.
And Millie, of course, you know, either out of idiocy or because he's in on it, it's hard to say which one.
Nevertheless, Millie goes, yeah, I better call them.
So the key point here is that Millie was de-escalating a situation...
Not that the Chinese escalated, but that the US intelligence agencies escalated for their own reason.
This is what we have to think about.
This is part, I think, of the scheme to undermine Trump.
They wanted Milley to go around Trump.
They wanted Milley ultimately to create a pact, if you will, with the Chinese.
This is the US intelligence agency recruiting Milley to do its bidding Not only against the Chinese, who had nothing to do with this apparently, but also against their familiar target, Trump.
Just a few weeks ago, one of America's leading nonprofit law firms, First Liberty Institute, asked patriots like you to sign their letter to help stop President Biden's radical scheme to pack the U.S. Supreme Court.
Since then, a quarter of a million people have signed on, with tens of thousands joining the coalition every day.
Franklin Graham, former U.S. Attorney General Ed Meese, Dr.
James Dobson, the Family Policy Alliance, the Heritage Foundation, they're all on board.
Look, if If we don't stop the radical left from installing four more justices so they can rig the system in their favor, it will end the rule of law as we know it in America.
Please sign your name now, like Debbie and I have.
Go to SupremeCoup, that's SupremeCoup.com, to sign First Liberty's letter.
Again, that's SupremeCoup.com, and may God bless America.
I want to continue my discussion of Thomas Jefferson, one of the five subjects of my five video series released by Prager University.
If you want to watch those videos either individually, kind of one way to watch them is just watch them one a day.
It's just five minutes and you'll get a real nugget, a real insight into each of these founders.
Or you can kind of go whole hog and watch all five of them and then you get a more comprehensive picture.
I talked yesterday about Jefferson and whether or not Jefferson is in the kind of classic definition of the term a racist.
Now, a racist is someone who believes that another group, blacks, are congenitally, you may say biologically inherently inferior.
Jefferson does say that in his view and based on his experience and based on what he knows and what he's read, he does actually believe in some form of inferiority.
But Very importantly, he says it is a suspicion.
And I don't think a suspicion of anything qualifies as an ideology.
Racism is an ideology, a kind of entrenched belief, an immovable conviction of inferiority.
Jefferson certainly didn't have that.
In 1791, a distinguished black mathematician, a guy who had done important work in mathematics, Benjamin Banneker, wrote to Jefferson just a beautiful letter in which he said, he presented for Jefferson.
It's almost like he was saying, you know, you're saying that there aren't blacks who are capable of kind of higher reasoning or abstract thinking.
He goes, let me just enclose some of my work that you can And I'm paraphrasing here.
I'm not reading from Banneker's letter.
I want to read, actually, from Jefferson's reply.
Jefferson's reply to Banneker is, by the way, equally gracious.
And I'm just going to read a few lines.
He says, Sir, I thank you sincerely for your letter and for the almanac that Banneker had sent.
Here's Jefferson. So I want to, I shouldn't say translate, but interpret.
What Jefferson is saying is that this backwardness on the part of the black community is environmental.
It's not inherent.
It's not natural. And Jefferson says, no one more than I wants to believe this.
And so I'm grateful for you providing this evidence.
And then Jefferson says, I have taken the liberty of sending your almanac to Monsieur de Condorcet, Secretary of the Academy of Sciences at Paris and member of the Philanthropic Society.
So Jefferson circulates Banneker's almanac so that other people, including some of the French That this is an exemplary work by someone who's doing important work in a pioneering field, namely mathematics. And then separately in 1809 Jefferson writes in his letter to Henry Gregoire, he's talking about the claims that blacks may not be on the
same plane, if you will, as whites and he sidesteps it. He doesn't rehearse his earlier things that he said about it and he says, whatever be their degree of talent it is no measure of their rights. And so what Jefferson is saying here, very significant is listen.
Just as between individuals, somebody may be smarter or faster or better in this regard or that, but it doesn't follow that you have to treat them differently.
In fact, you have to treat them the same.
You have to apply the same...
The same principles, the same standards, the same starting line, the same rules, even though you know that there are individual differences of talent, ability, application, industry, hard work, and so on, maybe even moral character.
And Jefferson is saying that kind of the same logic applies to groups.
Maybe groups are different.
Maybe some group is better in this or better in that.
And Jefferson is saying, so what?
It doesn't matter. When it comes to rights, rights apply equally to everybody.
So it's really important to see here that the doctrine of equal rights under the law is in no way implied, even if you think that there are differences between groups, as Jefferson, quote, suspected.
Jefferson is very clear that his belief In the kind of differential status of groups does not equate to, therefore, it's right to subjugate these people.
Therefore, it's right to enslave them.
That is not Jefferson's position at all.
Jefferson is worried about whether America can ever be a truly multiracial society.
I want to read a rather troubling couple of lines from Notes on the State of Virginia.
He says, Which will probably never end, but in the extermination of the one or the other race.
Jefferson is saying, you can say basically he's not a believer in multiculturalism.
He's saying, listen, this is a toxic brew.
Both sides are inflamed against the other.
And he says that this will, not for sure, because he says probably.
This will probably lead to one race or the other.
See, interestingly, Jefferson doesn't assume it's going to be the white race exterminating the black.
He goes, it could be the black race exterminating the white.
So Jefferson is giving pessimistic warning.
And while we can say that we've come a long way since Jefferson, it's been 200 years, look at all the racial progress that has been made, I think if Jefferson were alive today, he would say, and yet...
And yet, is it not a fact that this issue, the race divide, and particularly the black-white divide, we don't find the same thing with Hispanics, we don't find it with Latinos, with Asians, with so many other groups.
By and large, this is a black and white issue at its toxic core.
And I can't say that we fully figured this one out.
In fact, we seem to be moving away from the kind of colorblind solution that was proposed by Martin Luther King, that was believed in by so many Americans, black and white, in the 1960s, while moving toward an increasingly racialized society.
In some sense, we are, at least to some degree, fulfilling the dark prophecy of Thomas Jefferson.
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