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Jan. 13, 2021 - Dinesh D'Souza
01:00:04
IMPEACHMENT HOAX 2.0 Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep. 3
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Coming up today, the impeachment circus and how you can enjoy, and I mean enjoy it.
Also, the real Donald Trump, very different man than the figure you'll see portrayed by the Democrats.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza podcast.
The times are crazy and a time of confusion, division and lies.
We need a brave voice of reason, understanding and truth.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
Hi, I'm Dinesh D'Souza and I'm really looking forward to this impeachment circus.
You might be surprised to hear me say this.
You probably are thinking, oh man, this is going to be just so depressing, so deflating.
I'm going to feel even worse than I do already.
I'm going to be hearing all these incendiary, false, preposterous allegations.
Now, the reason you'll feel depressed and deflated is if you allow yourself to be sucked into We're good to go.
What I'm going to call the anthropological perspective.
The anthropological perspective is actually different than the engaged perspective.
The engaged perspective is when you go into a world and you're in it and you can't get out of it.
So whatever's happening in that world is going to affect you directly because you have no critical distance from it.
Now, for me, the impeachment is like the circus.
Now, when I was a kid...
My grandfather used to take me to the circus, and it was fantastic.
I loved it.
And I loved it because I approached it from the anthropological perspective.
I was critically distanced from what was going on in there.
Not that it wasn't without danger.
There were trapeze artists, and they could fall.
My grandfather loved the elephants.
I actually loved the dwarves.
I loved the midgets. We called them midgets.
It was a different place. It was a different time.
I guess if it was today, the midgets would come up to the audience and go, you people are obsessed about height!
But anyway, the point is, it was the circus.
And it was enjoyable because why?
Because I knew the ending.
And I also knew that they were putting on a show.
Now, let's turn to impeachment directly.
I think when history looks at this event, and remember, this is the second impeachment, it's even dumber than the first one.
It is even more lacking in genuine cause.
The whole thing is a farce.
So all the air of solemnity, Madam Speaker, may I remind you, don't give that any sense of dignity or authority.
Sit back and laugh at it.
Laugh at it. That's the meaning of having this critical distance.
I think when history, which has critical distance, history looks back at things.
I mean, think about this. Do you remember the first impeachment?
We're talking about impeachment.
I've pretty much forgotten the first one.
Why? Because it was kind of a non-event.
It was absurd. I think history will view it as absurd.
So when history looks back at these two impeachments, Trump was impeached twice!
What history will see is that this was a vendetta.
It reflects worse on the U.S. Congress than it does on Trump.
Why? Because it's like trying to pile on a guy who, in this case, didn't do these high crimes and misdemeanors.
There will be an air of solemnity going on for several days.
You'll hear people like, you know, impeachment manager Eric Swalwell...
Eric Swalwell, really?
This guy is now being rehabilitated as an impeachment manager?
All you hear Swalwell put on is a suave tone, but you've got to get critical distance.
And I'm going to do kind of a little bit of parody here, but not a whole lot of parody, because when it comes to people like Swalwell, the line between parody and reality is pretty thin.
So when I hear Swalwell talk, this is pretty much what I'm going to be hearing.
Yikes. Well, maybe it won't go like that.
Maybe Swalwell will watch his diet before he gets on the floor.
But here's another way to listen to Swalwell.
Like this. Yes, exactly.
These are people to be accusing Trump.
These are people who are literally in bed with Chinese spies, or as in the case of Joe Biden, who appears to be watching all of this with a kind of stupid solemnity.
Does he even know what's going on?
Is he involved?
Is he not involved? No one really knows.
But that's the head crook.
That's the guy who shouldn't be getting impeached.
If the Republicans had any sense, they'd be planning how to get a handful of Democratic votes and impeach Biden in his first year.
Now, this anthropological perspective I'm recommending is something that real anthropologists use all the time.
And you do too.
When you're a tourist and you go, for example, to Tahiti and you watch, let us say, a rain dance, think about it.
Do you really start jumping up and down and waiting for it to rain?
No. The people in the rain dance might be doing that.
But you're stepping back and you're saying, wait a minute.
These are people who actually think that jumping up and down is going to make the clouds belch out rain.
So you are viewing the event from the outside, and because of that, you don't get freaked out.
You actually find the event very interesting.
You're able to see it with a certain kind of detachment that the participants aren't.
And ultimately, you can understand it and know what to do about it better than perhaps the people even participating in the event.
I feel that in my own work, my own books and articles, they're informed by this outsider perspective.
Why? Because I came to America as an immigrant.
I was able to see America from the outside.
And even now, I try to see America always keeping this dual perspective.
I'm on the inside. I see it from the inside.
But I try also to see it from the outside.
I think this dual perspective will help you look at impeachment, not with a kind of hang-dog look.
It's going to be awful.
But almost as if to say, I'm at the circus.
Now get on with the show.
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We'll be focusing in this show on impeachment, but let's remember that impeachment is Plan B in this drama that the Democrats are staging.
Plan A was the 25th Amendment.
So the Democrats passed a resolution in which they demanded that Vice President Mike Pence invoke the 25th Amendment To begin the process of removing Trump from office and actually making himself, for a few days, the president.
Now, Mike Pence wrote a letter back to Speaker Pelosi where he said, in effect, no.
Pence was sort of clever with this.
He even reminded Pelosi that he goes, just a few months ago, he's talking to Pelosi, When you introduced legislation to create a 25th Amendment commission, you said, a president's fitness for office must be determined by science and facts.
And he says, you also said that we must be, quote, very respectful of not making a judgment on the basis of comments or behavior that we don't like, but based on a medical decision.
Boom.
What Mike Pence is pointing out is that you can't remove a president because you hate him.
You can't remove a president because you think he's become an embarrassment.
You can't remove a president really under the 25th Amendment for any reason other than he is not able to exercise the duties of the office.
Let's look at the language of the amendment itself.
It talks in section 3.
He is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office.
Is Trump unable to discharge the duties of his office?
Is he physically incapacitated?
Is he a mental basket case?
No. Well, we can think of someone else who might be, but it's not Trump.
Trump himself...
Of course, picked up on this with his unerring instinct in a recent remark that he made about the 25th Amendment.
Watch. 25th Amendment is of zero risk to me, but will come back to haunt Joe Biden and the Biden administration.
As the expression goes, be careful what you wish for.
Well, Trump is on to something, but you know what?
The joke might actually be on Trump.
You know why? Because Trump is in effect saying to Biden, listen, they might do it to you.
And you know what? I think the Democrats on the left want to do it to Biden too.
They wouldn't mind invoking the 25th Amendment twice.
And now that it hasn't worked on Trump...
They might still use it on Biden.
Why? To get this corrupt old dotard out and bring in the dream girl, the woman who's on the cover of all the magazines, Kamala Harris.
That could well be the plan.
Now, I do want to say a word here about Mike Pence because I think actually Mike Pence has discharged his responsibilities and duties quite honorably in this whole situation.
In fact, it's Trump who's been a little harsh with Pence.
Trump really wanted Pence to jump in and invalidate the Electoral College vote.
I think if you read the Constitution and read it impartially, again with that little bit of clinical detachment, not for what you want it to say, but for what it does say, you'll see that Pence really couldn't do that.
The Constitution really can't and doesn't empower the Vice President to sort of cancel out the election result because he thinks it doesn't really all make sense or the votes weren't really valid.
He doesn't have that unilateral power or responsibility.
So Pence saw that.
I think it was brave of him to stand up for his and, in fact, the correct reading of the Constitution.
And now I think he's done very much the right thing.
So hats off to you, Vice President Pence.
We'll be right back. Impeachment is underway, and it's underway with a vengeance.
You might find some of my earlier remarks about impeachment a little bit cavalier, and there's a reason for that.
Which I'm going to come back to.
But I want to be serious for a moment and delve into the actual charges against Trump so we can sort of examine them, turn them over, and compare them to the larger world that can be called reality.
Because the charges themselves are kind of a rhetorical parchment.
And they're dressed up in all kinds of legal language.
I kind of want to cut to the chase.
The chase is incitement of insurrection.
Incitement of insurrection.
So as we kind of read through this, we're looking for two things.
One, was there an insurrection?
Which is a revolt against the government.
An effort to overthrow the government.
An effort to take over the government.
Strikes me on the face of it.
That's preposterous. That's not what the protesters, even the ones that stormed the Capitol, were trying to do.
If you just look at them, they're not doing that.
They're not even attempting to do it.
They're posing for the cameras.
They're taking selfies. They're walking off with a podium.
That's not really how you take over the government.
In buffalo suits.
No. But the key word as far as Trump is concerned is incitement.
Incitement means you caused it to happen.
And here's Chris Christie, former governor, GOP governor of New Jersey.
And he goes, the president caused this to occur.
The president caused this to occur.
Now, to look at that, we have to look at what Trump said.
To incite people. And we also have to look at a second factor that's being completely ignored.
Why did these people enter the Capitol?
What was their motive?
The first issue we have to remember is the issue of timing.
I want to congratulate the One America News Network and actually Jack Posobiec for pointing out something very interesting, which is that the Capitol barricades were breached 20 minutes before Trump's speech ended.
And this is not even a case where people, like, listen to the first 90% of the speech and then before it ended they ran over to the Capitol.
Why? Because the Capitol is one and a half miles away.
That's a long distance.
It took the crowd a long time to make its way from Trump's speech toward the Capitol.
So these miscreants were doing what they did on their own.
On their own. Trump never told them to storm the Capitol.
He never said anything even remotely resembling that.
The incitement is inferred, not shown.
If Trump had said something to that effect, it would have been on every network being played every 10 seconds.
You would have memorized those words by now.
The reason you haven't heard them is they never came out of Trump's mouth.
Why did the people who went into the Capitol do it?
Why were the protesters in D.C.? Now, the conventional view, and we're hearing this as if it is established fact, is, well, they were there because Trump convinced them that the election had been stolen.
Yeah, I might be convinced that the election was stolen, but that doesn't mean I'm going to storm the Capitol.
Why would I do that?
Is it because I believe the election is stolen, or is it because I believe something else in addition to that that's going to make me want to take this kind of action?
I believe that the crowd stormed the Capitol not merely because they believe the election had been stolen.
That was a contributory cause, but not, I would call it, the precipitating cause.
The precipitating cause was they believed that the election had been stolen and they never got a hearing about it.
The Supreme Court repudiated the chance to look at it.
It wasn't looked at by the media, not even in the slightest way.
And so they went to Congress to say, you look at it.
Please look at it. Won't somebody look at it?
That was the driving, precipitating anxiety.
And anxiety caused less by Trump.
Than by the failure of the Supreme Court to get involved, by the sheer sneering dismissiveness of the media, making people, some people, feel very hopeless, very desperate, and trying to do what they could to press their case directly on the Congress itself.
They weren't there to beat those people up.
They weren't there to harm them.
They weren't there to threaten them.
They weren't there to take over the government.
So you'll be hearing a lot of this kind of fabulism, which is to say rhetorical bombast.
Fiction. Don't fall for a minute of it.
Step back at every stage and go, is that what I actually saw when I looked at direct video evidence of what was really going on?
Now, there are people...
Including the notorious Bill Kristol, whom I spoke about yesterday.
Bill Kristol, the opportunistic never-Trumper, who has figured out a way to cash in on breaking with the Republican Party.
Bill Kristol tweeted out an article today from the Washington Post.
And he goes, My one request to Republican members of Congress, read this article!
Then explain why this man has not disqualified himself from remaining as president.
So I was expecting to see an article that was all about how Trump incited the crowd.
Maybe new evidence that Trump had an incitement manual that he was consulting.
But no. The article is about what happened after the Capitol was breached.
After those guys got in.
Apparently Trump saw it from the White House on TV. And the claim of this article, six hours of paralysis, is that Trump didn't do enough afterward to stop it.
Now, I personally believe that Trump should have more quickly come out in person and condemned it.
He did it on Twitter. He did it again on Twitter.
And then later he made a statement.
He should have done it more quickly.
But this is not an indictable offense.
Here you're saying that the guy was too slow to act.
Apparently, at first he didn't grasp what was happening, and frankly, no one else did either.
You know why? Because if you looked at what was happening, there was no riot.
There was no insurrection.
There was no government takeover.
It was just this sort of alarming, startling, confusing sight of Of swarms of people inside the halls of government with evidently no one stopping them.
No one even attempting to round them up and push them out.
An eerie scene which made you think, not so much, what are those people doing?
Because crowds have their own sort of momentum.
Read Elias Canetti's Crowds and Power.
A crowd is an organism unto itself.
It spreads kind of like fire.
It has a, quote, mind of its own, quoting Canetti.
The point is, what went through my mind watching all this was not, what's the crowd doing?
But where are the cops?
Why isn't someone shepherding these people right out?
Not shooting them, like what happened to Ashley Babbitt, but getting them out.
There's no reason to believe you couldn't have just pushed these dudes right out.
So, the bottom line of it here is, this impeachment is not Trump's doing.
It's not based upon any real instigation that was done by Trump, which suggests...
That the impeachment itself might have a deeper motive.
Now, what is that deeper motive?
A lot of people are saying something to the effect of, this is a really pointless exercise.
There's no good reason for it.
In fact, this is the standard rhetoric of a lot of Republican congressmen and senators, and it's also the rhetoric of a lot of conservatives on social media.
What's the point of all this?
Why are we going through the rigmarole?
Well, this reflects an inability to really grasp how the left thinks.
There is a point to it.
They have a point. They wouldn't be doing it if they didn't have a point.
And part of political insight is being able to, again, anthropologically step back.
Let's put ourselves in their shoes and ask, what is their goal?
Is it to get rid of Trump?
I don't think that's the main goal.
Is it to go after something called Trumpism?
Yes, but is that even the main goal?
The real goal, I think, is something bigger, something that involves the MAGA movement and the GOP. The left, it seems to me, is trying to drive a wedge between the two.
We'll discuss that in more detail when we come back.
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I want to talk more about what this impeachment attack, this impeachment charade, this impeachment thing is all about.
But before I do that, I'd like to try to trace where it's going.
Quite apart from what its motive is, what is going to happen and what can we expect?
Fortunately here, I think there is light at the end of the tunnel.
There is a potential very bad outcome, and I'll get to that.
But it's not the likely outcome.
So let's follow the process step by step.
So the first step is for the Democrats to introduce the impeachment resolution and to conduct an impeachment trial.
The trial is going to be mostly a kind of farce.
And by that I mean that there's going to be overheated rhetoric, allegations that are unproven.
I mean, you see this in the indictment itself.
The articles of impeachment have all kinds of stuff just thrown in, thrown in for good measure.
Trump made an inappropriate phone call to the Georgia Secretary of State saying, quote, find me more votes.
Now, if that is the only line that Trump said, you could read it that Trump was calling on him to do election fraud, to commit election fraud.
But the fact of it is we have the transcript and we've seen the video of the entire call, and that is manifestly not what Trump was saying.
That line is not an accurate summary of what Trump is getting at.
What Trump is getting at is not to find votes that aren't there, but to find votes for Trump that are there.
Trump is fully convinced that he won Georgia.
He legitimately won it.
And all he's calling on Raffenberger to do is to take a close look so that Trump's belief can be confirmed, can be authenticated, can be ratified.
Is that impeachable?
No. The only way you can make it impeachable is to wrench the line, pull it out of its context, strip away the context, invert the meaning, act as if Trump was trying to do election fraud instead of what Trump was actually trying to do, which is to correct election fraud.
So I'm not getting into the election fraud issue here, but what I'm getting at is Trump's intention.
What is the point of what he said?
And where is the...
High crime and misdemeanor here.
There isn't one. But let's follow the process more clearly.
It goes to the House, and the Democrats have a majority.
They will probably get some Republican votes.
I don't think very many, but we'll have to see.
There clearly are some House GOP types who think that Trump is a very bad guy.
This incident only confirms his badness.
And so, hey, here's a good chance to join the Democrats in kicking Trump out the door.
So I expect the impeachment resolution to pass in the House, but not by any kind of overwhelming majority.
The vast, vast majority of Republicans will vote no.
Then it goes to the Senate.
Now, in the Senate, a bare majority is not enough to convict Trump.
Well, before we talk about that, we have to ask the question...
Will it even get to the Senate?
Theoretically, it's possible that it could get to the Senate on the 19th of January, one day before Biden's inauguration, but there is no way that the Senate could vote on that day.
And Trump leaves office the next day.
So it is quite possible, in fact, perhaps probable, that there will be no Senate trial at all.
That Trump will get out, and that will be that.
Yes, he'll be impeached twice in the sense that the House impeached him, but the impeachment wasn't carried through, just as with the first time, to removal.
In the first case, the Senate voted, in effect, no.
And in this case, the Senate will not be voting at all.
Now, there are some people who have alleged or implied that, well, we can remove him even after he's out of office.
Now, first of all, think of the stupidity of that.
You can't remove somebody who's already out of office.
And so the Senate's job, which is not impeachment, the House impeaches, the Senate's job is removal or non-removal.
Once Trump is out of office, the whole issue is moot.
A prominent federal judge He has recently done a kind of analysis of this point.
And he says very clearly that once Trump is out, the whole issue becomes moot.
At that point, it's nothing more than thrashing around in the water.
There's no real point to it.
And it has absolutely no legal or political impact other than perhaps symbolic.
Now, Is it possible that the Senate will repudiate Trump?
They'd have to do it almost, you may say, overnight.
And there is, I suppose, a theoretical possibility that that would happen.
For that to happen, a lot of Republicans, approximately 20, will have to vote for impeachment.
Are there 20 such votes?
I highly doubt it.
Now, I saw a very disturbing report That Mitch McConnell, this was in the New York Times, Mitch McConnell is looking forward to impeachment.
He thinks impeachment is really appropriate.
And the implication of this article, it's a very insidious article, and I'm going to get to its point in a bit.
But what I want to just look at is what the article says.
It says that McConnell is basically for impeachment.
It stops just short of saying that, but that is its strong implication.
So Sean Hannity decided, well, let me call over to McConnell's office.
And he did. He talked to McConnell's people and they go, no, this article is full of salacious nonsense.
This is not a correct summary of McConnell's position.
Yes, McConnell is going to look at it.
Yes, McConnell is going to do His due diligence as to what the House presents.
But no, don't count McConnell as somebody who has somehow sold out Trump.
That would be, by the way, a deep and horrible personal betrayal.
Remember, Trump campaigned for McConnell.
Trump put McConnell over the top.
There's a video of McConnell talking about Trump and going, this is the man who made America great again.
So McConnell, it would be really something.
It would be a Brutus-like move.
Brutus, of course, was Caesar's trusted friend, Caesar's best friend, most beloved by Caesar, in Shakespeare's words.
And Brutus was the one who stabbed Caesar in the back.
So is McConnell Brutus?
I don't think so.
But I do think we have to entertain the possibility that there are Republicans, members of the Republican establishment, who Who are going to take a certain kind of relish in knifing Trump, in getting rid of Trump.
Why they would do that, why they would think that way is something I want to get into in more detail.
So what is the left's goal here?
What are they trying to accomplish?
And what is the conundrum and the challenge facing the GOP?
I'll discuss those when I get back.
Here's a tweet from Matt Walsh who says, Trump is gone in eight days.
He's not running again at the age of 78, especially after all of this.
There's no reason to impeach him or try to remove him, except as theater.
Using impeachment as theater is obscene.
Now, I think on the face of it, that seems kind of obvious.
What is the point of impeachment if, number one, you can't remove him?
Number two, if you removed him, what are you doing?
Taking away his presidency for three days or one day?
What is the left up to?
Now, is it pointless?
Is it theater? No.
In my opinion, no.
The left, as always, is up to something.
And what they are up to needs to be sort of disclosed, because that's the way we think about what are they trying to do, and how do we think about it, and how do we respond.
So what are they trying to do? Yes, they're after Trump.
True. Yes, they do want to do whatever damage they can to Trump.
Trump has basically, you may say, destroyed their self-esteem.
He has made them look ridiculous.
And if there's one thing that people can't stand, it is looking ridiculous.
Think of all these people, not just the Democrats, I mean, Nervous Nancy, not just Crying Chuck Schumer, but even the people in the media, Chuck Todd, Jake Tapper, Jim Acosta.
These are people who have gargantuan self-images.
They think that they are the best thing.
They think that they are weighty, towering, statesmen-like intellectuals, even though they haven't cracked open a book in decades.
Trump has exposed them.
And having exposed them, they are out to have their revenge.
They would love to see Trump in jail.
Just as, by the way, years ago, the Obama prosecutors would have loved to put me in jail for 20 years if they could.
Why? Because they didn't see me as a critic.
They saw me as an enemy. They want to hurt Trump.
But they want to do a lot more than that.
They want to go after...
The Trump stirs.
They want to go after Trumpism.
Their target is much bigger than Trump.
And so suddenly you've been hearing things like, let's put all the people who went into the Capitol on a no-fly list.
In other words, treat them sort of like the 9-11 terrorists.
Try to make sure they can't fly on the airlines.
And then you hear, and this is from Forbes magazine, this is the Forbes editor, Randall Lane, He's warning companies against hiring former Trump officials.
And I'm going to quote him now. Forbes will assume that everything your company or firm talks about is a lie.
This guy should be fired immediately.
Why? Because he's a McCarthyite.
He's basically someone who thinks that if you just worked for Trump, you were a press secretary arguing the government's position on immigration or tax reform, you should not be able to go to the corporate sector.
Otherwise, this business magazine will treat you as a Goebbels-style propagandist.
Think of what's happened to our media that we've reached this point.
And then, I see on MSNBC Eugene Robinson...
Go even further. He talks about deprogramming Trump supporters.
Watch. We have, there are millions of Americans, almost all white, almost all Republicans, who somehow need to be deprogrammed.
It's as if they are members of a cult, the Trumpist cult.
What's going on here is that you're seeing, you almost call it a widening of the concentric circles.
You begin with the smallest circle and in there is Trump.
Let's get him. And now let's get all the people who stormed the Capitol.
And then let's get all the people who went to D.C. to protest and side with Trump.
All the hundreds of thousands of people as if they are equally culpable for what happened at the Capitol.
How? Were they also insiders?
Why? By their very presence?
That's insane. And now let's go after everybody who voted for Trump.
The MAGA movement.
The pro-Trump Republicans.
They have now become a cult.
A cult. Now let's talk for a moment about this word, cult, because one of my themes in this podcast is always language.
Language matching reality.
What's a cult? By definition, a cult is a group that has taken leave of its senses.
You can only use language like deprogramming when you assume that people don't have choices, they don't have minds, And you can't be really a fellow citizen with somebody who's like that.
You can't engage in democratic debate with someone like that.
Ultimately, you're saying such a person needs psychiatric treatment.
They need possible forced confinement.
This is, by the way, the exact line of thinking that led to the gulags.
And if you say, oh, Dinesh, stop talking about the Soviet gulags.
We're not there. We're not even close to being there.
Well... First of all, you're listening to someone on this podcast who was ordered to undergo forced psychiatric treatment for a crime of using $20,000 of my own money to support a college friend of mine who was running for office.
According to Judge Richard Berman, a Clinton appointee in the Southern District of New York, This was a crime so hyenas, so Jeffrey Dahmer-like, so utterly incomprehensible that it required psychiatric examination.
I had to go to a psychiatrist to be evaluated.
A very Kafka-esque sort of experience where the psychiatrist literally would say to me things like, A rolling stone gathers no moss.
What does that mean to you, Dinesh?
And I was thinking in my mind of replying, Veni, vidi, vici, what does that mean to you?
By the way, those are the words that Caesar used when he, I came, I saw, I conquered.
I didn't want to use them because the guy probably never heard of them.
But I felt a little bit like Jack Nicholson in One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest.
You know, are you crazy?
Well, what doc? You want me to take a crap on the floor?
Really? So this is the surrealism that has now become part of our normal life.
And it's very important that we don't let it drive us crazy.
But the left is trying to make us crazy.
They're trying to make us believe we're crazy.
To me, one of the strangest things facing the Republicans is, yes, they're trying to demonize us.
They're trying to demonize the whole MAGA movement.
They're trying to make everything that Trump stood for illegitimate.
So that's what they're trying to do.
I get it. If I were them, that's what I would do.
But my deeper question is, Why would you, the Republicans, the GOP, knowing what they're up to, why would you fall for it?
Either you believe it yourself, you have internalized that Kafka essence of guilt, which is, by the way, what happened to Joseph Kaye at the end of Kafka's novel.
He internalizes the guilt himself.
He accepts his punishment.
He thinks he must have done it even though he didn't do it.
Somehow psychology trumps what actually happened, so to speak.
So does the GOP believe somehow deep down that in their hearts they know that they're guilty?
In their hearts they know they're wrong?
Or could there be a different motive for why the GOP wants to give Trump the boot?
We'll be right back.
This episode is sponsored by MyPillow, a product that I'm talking about not just because I have a script, but because I love the product.
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What's up with the GOP? For many of us, it seems like the GOP has been acting in a strange kind of paralysis.
They have been inert, not just in defending Trump, not just in speaking out against this sham impeachment, But also in speaking out in defense of us.
The base of the Republican Party, the mainstream Republicans and conservatives and patriots and Christians, the people who kind of fight for them and work for them, where are our leaders when we need them?
What's up with these dudes?
And then when we hear from them, We hear all kinds of strange stuff.
We hear Republicans using words like terrorist.
We hear that Mitch McConnell might turn on Trump and sort of secretly push the impeachment forward even if he explicitly doesn't do that on the Senate floor.
What is the GOP up to?
Now, I think that the left is trying to drive a wedge Between the Republican Party, the traditional Republicans, let's call them, and the MAGA movement, the Make America Great Again movement.
This is the real agenda of impeachment.
Impeachment isn't really about impeachment at all.
Impeachment is about preventing the Republican Party from having a winning strategy going forward.
Impeachment is about ultimately creating a Republican Party so weak that it provides only token opposition.
Impeachment ultimately for the left is about creating a one-party state.
Now, I mean this not in some Castroite or Maoist or Soviet sense, even though I think that there are disturbing parallels.
My wife, Debbie, can tell you all about this between The left's model now and the Venezuelan model.
But I'm using this idea in a broader sense that what the left is trying to do here is make it such that only one political party is viable.
One political party is the sort of de facto majority party.
And that's actually not Soviet.
That's happened in the United States for long periods of time.
When I first came to America in 1978, I was at the tail end of a sort of, you might almost call it, 40-year dominance of the Democratic Party.
Going back to 1932, from 1932 to 1980, the Democrats were in a virtual one-party system.
Didn't mean you never had a Republican president.
You did, Eisenhower. But Eisenhower basically did almost nothing to roll back the welfare state.
He was, in a sense, token opposition, you may call it.
Same with Nixon. Nixon actually favored large parts of the welfare state.
So the Democrats pretty much had a one-party system.
They've been desperate to get back to that.
Remember, for the last 40 years, it's been divided government.
The Democrats don't want divided government.
It blocks them. This is why they were so jubilant over Georgia.
It gives them the possibility of having all the main branches of government, minus only the Supreme Court.
Going back to the 19th century, the Democrats, prior actually to the official formation of the Democratic Party, you had Jefferson's party, the Democratic Republicans, and when the Federalist Party collapsed, there was only one party in America.
It was a one-party state, you might say, and eventually that one party itself forked into two, breaking up, you may say, into the Andrew Jackson wing, which became the Democratic Party.
And then the party that became the Whigs.
Whigs later replaced by the Republican Party.
So this is a window into American history.
What it shows is that the Democrats want a one-party state.
That's their goal. And the only question is, are we dumb enough to let them?
Are we dumb enough to make their plan work by working with their plan?
I'll address that when we come back.
When King Charles I, at the end of the English Civil War, was arrested by the rump parliament, Cromwell so-called Republicans, Republicans in a totally different when they arrested the king, there were many people who said, why kill the king?
You've arrested him.
What's the point of going ahead with an execution?
You've won! But, of course, the point of going ahead with the execution was to make sure that the king, not just the man, but what he stood for, the monarchy, kingship, would suffer a mortal blow, that there would be a movement of power away from the monarchy and toward the parliament.
And that is, in fact, what happened.
Now, it kind of went awry.
There was a restoration.
We don't need to get into all that.
My point here, applying it to our situation, is that the left is trying to kill the Trump movement.
Now, why are they trying to do that?
Oh, because it's a scary movement.
It's because it's a movement that threatens the future of democracy.
That's all the mindless rubbish, the sort of language that Orwell talks about in his essay on the politics of language when he goes, people say words, but those words are just noises.
They're sounds that have no real meaning.
The left has a meaning.
They have a fear.
And their fear is this.
Their fear is that together, the traditional Republicans and the MAGA movement are very close to, if they don't already have, a majority in this country, an electoral majority.
Why? Because the traditional Republicans bring in entrepreneurs, bring in the business class, bring in the soccer moms in the suburbs, bring in Christians, bring in law and order people,
bring in military people, and you put all this together and you've got a powerful party, the traditional Republican party, that has done very well despite a lot of media attack You know, when Debbie and I talk about this topic, my wife, she sometimes goes things like, oh my gosh, we're in such a terrible situation.
And I say, well, if we're in such a terrible situation, it's surprising that we win as often as we do.
So the traditional Republican Party is a real party.
It's got real strengths. But it doesn't have enough to get over the top.
It needs the MAGA movement.
Now, who's the MAGA movement?
These are basically working class people.
And I don't just mean the white working class.
There are a lot of black working class drumsters.
And I know that because I've been in the Republican movement, in the conservative movement, for...
Four decades. Three decades.
I've never seen people in it like I see now.
These are people who never, never would have voted Republican before.
By and large, if you went to a Republican event and you saw an African American, he was usually in a suit and a bow tie, a Tom Sowell type.
Not a Terrence William type.
Not a Candace Owens type.
Not the type of guys I see on social media who are guys who just love Trump.
They're foremen, they're truck drivers, they're working class guys, and they are voting Republican for the first time in their life.
So not only is Trump expanding the party by bringing in the working class, But he's also bringing in minorities.
Now, this is a complete surprise.
Many people had no idea that Trump, whom the left called a racist, and who's he racist against?
Well, if he doesn't make insulting remarks about blacks, he certainly does about Mexicans.
He certainly does about Latinos.
And yet Trump increases the Republican share, including his own share of the minority vote.
He makes inroads into places that have never voted Republican before.
Debbie grew up in the Rio Grande Valley in South Texas.
That is blue America.
90% Hispanic.
There are districts down there that have never voted Republican that went for Trump.
So Trump or Trumpism is offering a kind of recipe for For the right to have a winning formula going forward.
It's not a winning formula that even requires Trump, but it requires the Trump spirit.
It requires the Trump language.
It requires appealing to working class people, not just on the basis of the fact that they don't like abortion, but also on the basis of their economic interests.
Let's make stuff in America.
Let's hire our own guys.
Let's not prefer Chinese interests over our own.
Now, the left knows this, and this is what scares the pants off them, or I should say the panties off them.
I can't really use this gendered language because on the left you have men who wear panties and women who wear pants.
It's very complicated. But nevertheless, they're scared.
They're really scared. And what they really want to do is divide these two movements.
And the stupidity of the traditional Republicans is that they are, some of them, letting them Now, the traditional Republicans have sort of their own agenda.
They're a little fearful. And they think, oh, the media is going after Trump.
They're going after the Trumpsters.
But maybe we can talk them against going after us.
Really? You want to be the last of the wildebeest that is eaten by the lion?
Is that your political strategy, just based upon a kind of timid, cowardly fear?
But here's the other thing that's going on.
There are traditional Republicans who liked the party the way it was.
They saw Trump doing a kind of hostile takeover of the party.
These are people who, they like suburban Republicans, but they don't like working class people.
Quite honestly, they think of it as these people as sort of crass, low-class people, malodorous, lacking taste, not having the proper kind of decor, eating unhealthy food.
So you've got this kind of cultural rift.
It's not a rift of values.
In other words, these are groups of people who, although culturally different, should hang together.
But there are traditional Republicans that want their party back.
They want to push out the MAGA people.
They want to push out the Trumpsters.
And perhaps a little part of them doesn't mind being that token opposition.
Because they feel like, look, if there's a pie, and the Democrats are willing to hand out some small slices to us...
We'll be content with that.
We'd like to be the only Republicans in the room, the only Republicans who appear on CNN, the only Republicans acceptable to the left and to the media.
I think that this is a very foolish and short-sighted strategy.
Now, in fairness, there is a little bit of foolishness that occurs on both sides.
And here's what I mean.
The traditional Republicans need MAGA. They need the Trump movement.
Without it, they don't have a majority.
But the opposite is also true.
MAGA needs the Republican Party.
Now, I see people who say, for example, in social media, oh, we're going to create the Patriots Party!
Frankly, if you do that, you'll only divide the right.
We'll never win another election again.
This will be a boon to the Democrats.
Or people say, well, listen, Trump got 75 million votes.
That's all we need. There we go.
There's our new party. No.
Trump got 75 million votes because he ran as a Republican.
If Trump had run as an independent, he would not have gotten 75 million votes.
The MAGA movement can't go it alone.
A working-class party by itself or a rural party is not going to make it to an electoral majority.
The Democrats have the cities, and a lot of our population is in the cities, so they start with a lot.
We need to have rural America plus the suburbs.
If we have rural America and the suburbs, we win.
It's as simple as that.
They know it, even if we don't.
So I'm telling it to you, because this is the way forward politically.
The way forward politically is for the traditional Republicans to recognize the importance of the Trump movement and integrate it into its strategy going forward and for the MAGA people to recognize that the only way forward is through the Republican Party.
This is, by the way, also what the abolitionists figured out.
The abolitionists initially were on their own, burning the Constitution.
We're going to end slavery tomorrow.
They couldn't. They didn't.
Who ended slavery? The armies commanded by the Republican Party and the Republican President.
That's who ended slavery. So ultimately, the abolitionists figured out, let's work through the Republican Party.
That is our only vehicle to success.
The bottom line is that our fate is not in the hands of the left.
They can do what they do.
It's so transparent.
We can laugh at it and recognize that it's scary.
But we're up to the task.
Our destiny in the end is not up to them.
It's up to us.
Hey guys, this podcast is a real big deal for me and a departure.
I've only had a few of these sort of departures in my career.
When I went from being a journalist to writing my first book, I became an author.
When I went from being an author to being a speaker, that happened soon after.
When I began to make movies.
And then when Debbie, my wife and I began to make feature films.
These are all sort of landmark stages of my career.
And now the podcast.
It's just out this week.
I've only done a couple of episodes.
This is number three. We're good to go.
Or on video, YouTube, Rumble, or Salem now, the Salem channel.
This podcast is in conjunction with Salem Media.
I really want to thank you for being part of it.
I want to urge you to rate it.
I want to urge you to tell people about it.
If you feel that it's a podcast with a distinctive sound, a distinctive argument, a point of view that you don't get elsewhere, we're in a time where we're starved for truth, we're starved for incisive analysis.
I think we're also starved for the right attitude of how to approach the world.
I think that there is an alternative to approaching the world with a kind of hangdog attitude.
Things are going downhill.
Who wants to spend your day like that?
Who wants to live like that? You don't have to.
I don't. So what I want to communicate in this podcast is a new spirit, a new mood, a new intellectual fire, bravery, fearlessness, sophistication.
I want to offer you all of that, and I want you to share it with your friends.
So thank you for being part of this.
Please help me get the word out.
This episode of the podcast is sponsored by MyPillow.
MyPillow.com, the company that was created by Michael Lindell, who by the way is not just a pillow guy.
In fact, he is an incredible towel guy.
I'm a little bit of a stickler on the towels issue because I hate to come out of the shower and use a towel where I feel like I'm still wet.
Mike Lindell's towels are amazing.
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