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Aug. 3, 2022 - Doug Collins Podcast
39:19
Ask not what your country can do for you. A look at the speeches of President John Kennedy (Part 1)
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You want to listen to a podcast?
By who?
Georgia GOP Congressman Doug Collins.
How is it?
The greatest thing I have ever heard in my whole life.
I could not believe my ears.
In this house, wherever the rules are disregarded, chaos and mob rule.
It has been said today, where is bravery?
I'll tell you where bravery is found and courage is found.
It's found in this minority who has lived through the last year of nothing but rules being broken, people being put down, questions not being answered, and this majority say, be damned with anything else.
We're going to impeach and do whatever we want to do.
Why?
Because we won an election.
I guarantee you, one day you'll be back in the minority and it ain't gonna be that fun.
Hey everybody, it's Doug Collins.
Welcome back to the Doug Collins Podcast.
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Glad that you are with us today.
I want to go back to something that we've done.
We've had really good response from in the past, and that's where I take speeches from the past and apply them today and sort of look at the differences of what was said.
Because I believe so much in our country right now, we take history meaning yesterday.
We take history as meaning what's happened in the last three weeks or maybe the last season of your favorite television show.
That's history.
The reality is history spans a great deal of time, and it gives us perspective for things that we're dealing with right now.
When we look at history, we look at the perspective of the past, and then we apply it to the future, then we're not destined in some ways to make maybe the same mistakes, or maybe we're able to learn from what was projected at some point.
Today, we're starting a two-part speech series on a president that has been probably made bigger than life after his death.
He was assassinated in the office of John Kennedy.
Kennedy, when he came on the scene, was this larger-than-life figure with his wife and his children.
They just captured the I guess, the American ethos.
They just captured the thought of America.
It became Camelot.
It became mystified even after his death.
A lot of things that goes along with the Kennedy name and his brothers and all that would follow him, Robert and Ted Kennedy.
His father famously made his money on Alcohol distribution.
They were very, very wealthy.
And his oldest brother who was killed actually in World War II was the one that was supposed to be the beginning of the Kennedy political dynasty.
And it turned out that it was President John Kennedy, who actually took that on being a senator, then coming in at a very early age, one of our youngest presidents, to start sort of a change in our society.
The 60s was a huge change in our society that we're still seeing the influx in today.
But it was Kennedy that sort of set that tone.
And then we went into the latter half of the 60s with the falling apart, really, and the escalation in Vietnam, the Johnson administration, and others.
That said that they want to, you know, they just want to change who we are.
But in these early moments of the 60s, when we're, Kennedy coming out of an election with Nixon, in which was very close, a lot of things going on, tough election cycle.
He was the first Catholic president.
Just when you look at the Kennedy legacy, a lot going into it.
But in his inauguration speech, he brings back a lot of points.
And for some of you who may be diehard Republicans and you're saying, oh, why are we, you know, Kennedy was a Democrat.
Listen to this speech, and I'm not going to say by any stretch of imagination that the standard that Kennedy, if he came back today, would be a Republican or he was a Republican then, but listen to what he said.
They're very conservative ideas that were put forth in this speech, and then later in a speech that we're going to talk about on the vision speech for going to space.
I think these are two examples of this, but as we dive into this Inauguration speech.
I want you to go back in time.
Put yourself in the perspective of when this speech was given.
Early 60s, we had been through.
This was a generation that had came out of World War II, had experienced Korea.
Vietnam was on the map with France and with others.
We were dabbling in it, but we were still in between that.
Coming off of the time of Eisenhower, the growth in the 50s, And all of a sudden, here's this young, energetic president who takes the world stage, and this is the speech that sort of began, I will say, the mystique around John Kennedy.
Let's start off in the speech where he goes into it, and he's talking about observing a celebration of freedom, but he says to this, an interesting part in that very first paragraph, he says, It was the connection there that I think he begins in this, that he felt a part of the process from the very beginning of our country.
He was not, you know, it was his background, it was Irish, it was the Catholic, it was all, it was saying, no, I'm swearing an oath.
To the country that I claim allegiance to, that I fought for.
He was, of course, famously in World War II. And his PT boat, I mean, that was the mystique that had already started to build around John Kennedy.
But this was one, I think, was a sort of a symbolizing moment that all of us should realize that as Americans that we are bound together by a purpose that was bigger than ourselves.
It was brought forth on our country, the To the founding fathers to give to us a vision of a country in which the country was, from the constitutional perspective, a federal government, state governments, and people being at the very center of that.
But at the end of the day, the Constitution and the country were first.
And the way he starts this out is he's saying, look, he said, I'm not swearing to an allegiance to his church or to everything.
He said, this job that I'm in, I'm swearing allegiance to fulfill Now, he moves then into this very almost poetic speech.
It's a short speech, but it's packed a lot into it.
The turn then after saying, look, I'm looking at this country as a whole, then he goes into the current state of really the world.
And listen to this the way he puts it.
He said, the world is very different now.
He said, for a man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.
And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebearers fought are still at issue around the globe.
The beliefs that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
Now, if I was just to take that out of context, in today's society, I was actually to say, who said that?
And I was to say, put Ronald Reagan, John Kennedy, George W. Bush, Donald Trump.
Who would it be?
There'd be a lot of folks who would not pick John Kennedy to be the one that authored that, but I think he's setting the tone for the speech.
It seems like in many of his speeches, they were meant for beyond the moment.
The way they put that, and he said this in putting the hands of, that immortal hands now that we have the way to abolish all forms of human poverty.
A little bit of a, definitely an overstatement there, but one of the things that was not an overstatement was the next part of it when he said that we have, can abolish all forms of human life.
Remember, this was the time in which the country was under the red scare of Russian nuclear devices.
This was the concerning time that the world could come to an end.
We were not sure how these new weapons of mass destruction were going to be played out.
And Kennedy's making the point.
He said, look, we have a good and we have a bad.
We have a possibility to help people and we have a possibility to wipe out all people.
And then he takes it, and I love how he switches this here, and this is the part that I think would surprise many conservatives today.
He acknowledges, and especially this would, I think, for any Democrats who keep Kennedy in the forefront of the Democratic lore, is this issue in which he said, look, he said, our rights come from, not from a generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
This is so foreign to many on the left right now.
This is so foreign to the liberal ideology that has developed over the past, You know, 20, 30 plus years, and if you want to even go back to the Johnson administration, which followed Kennedy, in this sense that he was actually saying, he said, let's remember that we get our respect from God.
God give us the rights, the freedom, the yearning to breathe free, the yearning to live as he has called us to with all the hopes and aspirations and dreams that God has given to us and not what the state, and I love how he puts this, from the generosity of the state.
If you read into this, I believe what he is saying is, look, the generosity from the state is not generosity.
The generosity from the state comes from the very people governed, and at the same time, if whatever you get from the state, the state can actually take away.
This is something I want you to understand.
Even looking at this speech from 1960, if you believe that the government is there to help you, if you believe the government is the last and best hope of our society, then you also believe that the government, whether you realize it or not, And that generosity that it is given is not the generosity that we think of when we give something to somebody and it's out of the generosity or the goodness of our heart.
No, there's something attached to it.
And Kennedy seemed to be very, very aware of this.
And when he made this statement, he sets up for later in the speech some of the more famous quotes that we'll get to.
But he goes back to this paragraph very early on in the speech in which he says, he said, look, our rights come from The state is not the center.
The state is not the source of our strength and the source of our freedoms that he's going to talk about as it comes around the world today.
He then goes into a discussion on how he comes.
He talks about being the, that today, that we are the heirs of that first revolution.
And that, you know, that now the generation, the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans.
And he makes it very clear here.
And this would include himself.
He said, we're born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by hard and bitter peace and proud of our ancient heritage.
Wow.
Think about that for a second.
With all the discussion we have today, whether it be critical race theory or whether it has revisionist history in our history books in schools, when you have Jefferson's and Madison's own home places being redesigned and reconfigured to emphasize slavery and emphasize problems from these folks and not giving a history of the moment or the time in which they were in,
This coming from Kennedy is really important because he said they were proud of where we came from.
Now, do I think that Kennedy himself, and we saw this willingly done in part of his administration, to accept with blind eye the problems that we've had from slavery to civil rights and others?
No, I don't believe that is true.
But he said we came from a heritage that sees issues and is willing to overcome them.
And this generation, he goes on to say, is unwilling to witness or to permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which the nation has always been committed and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
He said, look, we're going to continue the fight for human dignity, human freedom, and human rights.
He said, but we're in the best place in the world to do this.
How many times?
And I'm tired of hearing, you know, from those who something goes wrong in the United States and the first thing they say is, well, I'm going to go to another country.
You're not going to find the same opportunities there.
You're not going to find the same hope there.
And if you want like a more consolidated socialist or collective time of government, you'll find that, but you're not going to find the freedoms that we have.
Even in the worst moments of the United States, we still are freer and we have more opportunity because of what was previously said, our belief that what we have does not come from the simply generosity of the state, but it comes from God Himself.
It continues on.
He also sends out a warning.
This is, again, a real troubled time in our world history.
We were still...
The Cold War was in full swing.
People were very concerned about the possibility of another war, especially with Russia and gaining prominence.
You have China in its infancy of this revolution.
And he says, Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or evil.
Thus, we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
What's the assurance of our country?
Look, we're going to fight tooth and nail to keep this country.
Do not think for one second we're going to back away from who we are.
Don't think for a second we're going to back away from our position on the world stage.
As a leader in freedom and liberty that we've been given, we're not going to back away from those pledges that we've committed to others in our own country.
we're gonna make sure that that is lived up to.
Then he goes into a discussion, which I think is rather interesting.
He starts to divide the world and essentially how he divides the world.
He divides them into the old allies.
And here we would see Britain, France, others, he said, who's our culture and spiritual origins we share.
In other words, where we come from, you're our oldest allies.
We pledge our loyalty as faithful friends.
United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.
I think they're still building off of the World War II, building off of the baby boom generation, the technology generation that's coming to space, which we'll get to in a little bit coming forward.
Divided, there's little we can do, but if we get separated, he goes on, he said, we'll be split asunder.
Echoing the words of Lincoln, a house divided against itself cannot stand.
Kennedy is recognizing that our oldest allies and for which much of our country at the time had came from in the founding of our country, Was the building blocks that provided the, you know, the allies in World War II, then World War I, that have kept the world from falling into a complete disrepair of a more socialist communist rule or just the terror or anarchy of war.
He goes into talking then further about the new states.
These are the new free states that are coming up after either removing themselves from the British colonial states or they're the Eastern European bloc that are now trying to function on their own away from the Soviet Union.
They've broken away.
And he says, he says, we pledge our word that in one form, that one form of colonial control shall not be passed away merely to be replaced by more form of iron tyranny.
In other words, we're going to help you if we can, This was a very enduring theme to him.
He goes on to talk about the huts and the villages.
He talks about the small places in the world.
This is where mass misery was taking place.
This was the time of famine, the time of third worlds that were just impoverished beyond belief.
And He wanted to step in and be able to help them so that communism would not become a force in these countries.
And in some ways, he succeeded in that in his presidency a little bit.
In many ways, we've failed that over the years because when you have governments who promise something for everyone and villainizes those who have over those who have not, this is something that is a problem that he wants to Again, send a message to those even at that time that were wrapped in squalor to actually say, look, we want a free society.
It cannot help that many who are poor.
It cannot save the few who are rich.
This is something that he said that we had to be a part of.
He goes on to pledge his support in our own hemisphere.
This would become very much of a condition later on, especially with the Cuban Missile Crisis and others.
So later on, I mean, in looking at this, when we deal with the South American situation, when he deals with this, he's wanting to say, in this home hemisphere, we're together.
And he wanted to know that he was going to pose aggression for those who were trying to come in.
This was, as I just said a minute ago, sort of a forewarning of some of the communist ideology, Marxist ideology that we're seeing, the Cuban issue that was developing.
This is all part of his assembly to discuss with how America was going to deal in those around the world supporting freedom.
Also goes on to talk about the United Nations, and I think in some ways he would actually be very disappointed at the outcome of the United Nations.
He says, If you were to look back,
and I would say from the history now of what Kennedy and others thought the United Nations could be into what it's become, this would be, I think, very much of a source of disappointment in the world because he actually believed that using the The United Nations would be a place not for the He
then takes a very hardline approach.
Today, this would be, from the liberal ideology of today, this would be almost unheard of.
He says, Without saying nuclear destruction, everybody knows what he's talking about.
You have to put yourself back into the timeframe of when this speech was given.
The fear of nuclear war was real.
The fear of nuclear war was palpable among many.
Whether you're in school or wherever you're at, this fear was something that was very much real.
It's interesting to me, he never just really overtly talks about it, but he mentions it in ways in which everybody understands, and that is this issue of science.
It's unleashed by science.
It would engulf all humanity in science.
He goes on to say, Now, here's the interesting term.
Not only is he discussing the fear that was out there among many in the discussion of nuclear weapons or nuclear war, he's also saying, look, though, he said the only way we can assure that this is not going to happen is that we're going to have to build up our nuclear arsenal to where there is beyond any doubt and certain doubt that we will not have to use these weapons.
In other words, the mutually assured destruction We're good to go.
That we ever have to employ them.
That no one in their right mind would challenge us or we, you know, go forward and to say, you're going to try and use nuclear weapons somewhere in the world or especially against us because if we do, you're simply going to wipe yourself out as well.
This was the default.
This was the plan.
He also is a concern, and he lists this concern in the next part.
He says, Acknowledging, look.
You know, we can't keep doing what we're doing.
At some point, he's saying, look, we're going to have what we need to protect ourselves as a country, but we also know that we can't keep doing this.
And in doing so, we're going to put out a plan, and we're willing to work with anyone to say, look, we're willing to find a better path, but it'll never come at the security of the United States.
So he ends by saying, I want to stop here for just a minute and say this is the one thing that I see that is so desperately needed.
Today.
And not just as being discussed here in a sort of a foreign adversary sense.
I think what Kennedy brings out here should be something that is discussed in our everyday American lives.
When you see the frustration, when you see the problems that we have in our country, and then you see a lack of willingness for people of different points of view, whether it be liberal, conservative, libertarian, wherever it may be, of an inability to civilly sit down,
and discuss something subject to proof subject to making sure that we're not just making wild accusations on either side That we come to negotiation because we believe it is the right thing.
As he says, let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Negotiation has become a seemingly dirty word in our society today.
If you're a conservative, you don't want to see a negotiation with the left because there's this idea, and sometimes rightfully so, where when conservatives negotiate with the left, conservatives give up everything, the left gets everything they want.
Well, the transverse is true as well, and that is that many times the left does not want to negotiate with those on the right because, again, they feel like many of their followers have said, well, we don't get what we want and we give up too much and conservatives get what they want.
As you can see, we're headed toward a simple stalemate here.
And this is, I think, Kennedy's statement here, if there was anything that I would love for this podcast to be able to get across, is that there is ways that we can negotiate through the problems in our country.
And do it in a civil manner, that we're not enemies.
I think what was interesting here is Kennedy putting this in perspective of world powers, the American bloc, British bloc, the American bloc and the Russian bloc and Soviet Union in that time was At odds with each other, but he was actually saying we can never put aside the fact that we need to negotiate.
And we're going to have proof in this negotiation, but we've got to negotiate.
And I think with people today, when we look at the condition of our country, when we look at the condition of our economy, there's many challenges that we face across the world.
We have got to be willing to find ways of negotiation and not give up who we are inherently.
Or from a moral background, but we've also got to be willing to enter into negotiation with those who don't think like we do, agree like we do, or talk like we do, or understand like we do, if we're ever to solve the problems that will be the things that lead to our confrontations here in the future in the United States.
He goes on then to talk about how inspection of arms and controlling the arm race.
He also goes on To say how can we...
And notice how he's talking here.
He's very much giving a world speech.
He's giving a speech of a collectiveness of the United States and how the world can react to the United States.
You know, today's terminology would be, in my mind, I think would be America first.
You know, we've heard that popular terminology, liberals...
They tend to hate it, and they associate it with President Trump, who believed in putting American values, American exceptionalism first, because he believed also that other countries would do the same with their country.
And that's the only way to negotiate is from both sides, making sure that their own interests are looked after.
But he talks about this.
Kennedy goes on to talk about it.
He says, let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.
I thought that's a wonderful turn of phrase there.
In other words, let's find the solutions that give you the breadth and work of the nuclear age without the terror of the nuclear age.
That would be a great conversation for us today when we're trying the New Green Deal and we're trying to move Into a world in which, you know, if you want to find new energy sources, you can't just take fossil fuels off the table, so to speak, and then not be willing to look at nuclear and others, which are much cleaner fuels that do have their own issues, but can we not make them safer?
Kennedy's basically saying, he said, let's do exploring.
Let's go wherever we can to find You know, the answers that we're seeking.
This is sort of a preview that he will give later on when we discuss his speech about going to space.
He is always about the wonderment of what can be.
Always that discussion of what we can learn and how we can learn it.
And if we're able to learn from these perspectives, then we can grow and we can become the stronger nation that we are.
He also said this, and this is something that I've said this many times before.
Liberals tend to be long-term in their thinking.
They're long-term in their plans.
They're understanding that some things may not take overnight and it may take more and more time to get them actually completed.
Kennedy reminds them of government and big things that sometimes things wait.
Conservatives, we tend to want to make things happen right now, right this moment, get it done, and then move on.
Kennedy says, and he talks about what they're wanting to do, and he says, and this will not be finished in the first 100 days.
He said, nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even for the house in the lifetime of our planet, but let us begin.
Great is the man who plants a tree that he'll never sit under.
I think that's the thought that is being set here by Kennedy.
That we have to think beyond our own generation.
For those of us who are parents, for those of us who have, you know, kids that are now grown, getting ready, you know, in the years to come to start their own families and to start the next generation around.
We've got to be willing to put forth things that will protect and help the generations to come and through our work in science and technologies and freedoms and liberties and protecting those things.
Those have, if they're not protected in every generation, we lose them and they're very rare to come back.
This is what I think I would love to say is candidacy's promise here.
He said, look, we may not accomplish everything we're setting out to do here in the time frame that many of you are going to impose, 100 days, 1,000 days.
He said, but if we at least begin, we can begin the process of moving forward.
He then reminds them, going back, if you remember our first statement where he says not from the generosity of the state, he reminds the people that they have a part to play in this as well.
He says, in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than even mine, or more than the state, he's implied, will rest the final success or failure of our course.
Since this country was founded, each generation has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.
Wow.
Again, Democrat, John Kennedy, talking about nationalism, talking about national pride, national loyalty, that we step up because this is the country that has given us the hope and the birth of freedom and liberty that we have.
And he finishes by saying the graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Reminding us that America is the bright shining light of the future that Ronald Reagan talked about, the shining city on the hill that was mentioned.
He understood this.
Kennedy understood that we have played a great part in keeping the world free, pushing back against fascism and Nazism and totalitarianism and communism.
We were still in the first stages of some of this, but he said, we've done this already and we have to continue to do it.
He discusses This is gonna be a struggle.
And in this struggle, it is something to not move away from.
He says, now the trumpet summons us again, not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man, tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
As he comes to the end of his passage, he goes back to the focus that...
I believe is really this whole, if you took a theme of this, is that it is about the people.
It is we the people.
It is about the responsibilities that come with the giftedness of being an American citizen.
And he says this, and he says, as he's finishing up, he says, and so my fellow Americans, and this is the famous quote, ask not what your country can do for you, I mean, folks, it doesn't get any simpler than that.
It's not about what the government can do for you.
It's not about what the country can do for you.
The country's already given the basis for everything you need.
It's given you the freedom.
It's given you the place to thrive, grow, to be a part of your community, to have a family, to grow a business, to chase your dreams and ideas.
It's up to you.
To take what this country has given, for great privilege comes great responsibility, and he says, and ask what you can do for your country.
What is it that we're giving back to our country?
And right now, I see so many times from the left, a tearing down of our country, a focus only on problems, a focus only on the things that aren't going right.
Instead of saying, yes, we may have had problems, yes, we have things that we still never overcome, but we have been given the greatest gift in the world, and that is a country that gives us the ability To question these things.
To tackle these things.
And to ask the hard questions.
This is what America is all about.
Kennedy captures this in his inaugural speech.
When he says, look, don't keep looking to the country.
Don't keep looking to the government.
You've been given what you need.
It's sort of like the guy who was told to go and dig a hole out in the field to begin planting.
And the guy gives him a shovel and he says, what else do I need?
He says, you've got everything you need.
All you need to do now is actually go do it.
This is, I believe, what Kennedy is talking about here.
This is the focus that is coming along.
This speech, again, if I was just to have read this speech to many of you who listened to the Doug Collins podcast, and then I was to say, who gave it?
Was it one?
Was it a Democrat?
Was it a Republican?
Was it, you know, some of the quotes in here, were they Reagan, Kennedy, Bush, Clinton, Trump?
Obama, what would it be?
I think there'd be a lot of people who'd be surprised if the emphasis on what has been given also requires.
And Kennedy made this very clear, not only throughout from a personal level of individual citizens here in the United States, but also on the very public level of the United States government as a whole as well around the world.
He ends it with this.
He says, finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.
With a good conscience, our only sure reward, with history, the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth and leave the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth, God's work must be truly our own.
A speech that inspires, a speech to this day that is looked at as one of commitment, one that is putting the others before self, that selfless love and selfless sacrifice, not only for our country itself, but for our country working around the world.
John Kennedy captured a message that I believe transcended his Democrat and Republican He transcended where he was at, and he spoke to the very heart of, frankly, who America was at the time, who America could possibly be today, because the principles, frankly, from a conservative standpoint that he put forth in this inauguration speech are the things that we've been saying for a long, long time.
Look, enemies beware.
Friends know that we're friends.
We've got to get back to that around the world now.
We've had some backups in that.
We've had some failures, whether it be Afghanistan and others.
The world needs to know that we will do what we say.
But then I think the biggest thing that he brings out in this is Not only a look to the future, let future judge.
Don't be worried about the outcomes.
Don't be worried about, you know, are we making the right, getting all the right results right now?
He said if you do the right things, the results will come.
Whether it be now, 100 years or later, history will be the judge of what we do.
This inaugural speech brought people together.
It kicked off what we know of as really the Camelot era in our country that ended with his assassination in November of 63. But the words live on.
The message lives on.
I thought it'd be a great time today to take this speech and ask each of us, what are we giving to this country that has given, frankly, so much to us?
Even in the midst of all the tragedy and suffering that we can accumulate in this world, and even the areas we still need to improve on today, there's no better place than the United States of America to fulfill the dreams that we believe, I believe, God has placed in each of your heart.
How do we do that?
We have a fidelity to our country.
We have a fidelity to the principles of freedom and liberty that our forefathers brought out.
And then we have a commitment to say, what can I do?
What is my role in making sure that happens?
And not simply saying, country, what are you doing for me?
As Kennedy said, the better question is, what can you do for your country?
God bless you.
We'll see you next time on the Doug Collins Podcast.
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