America First or Supporting Ukraine War, DEBATE w/ Whick & Lactoid
BUY CAST BREW COFFEE TO SUPPORT THE SHOW - https://castbrew.com/ Become A Member And Protect Our Work at http://www.timcast.com Host: Tim Pool @Timcast (everywhere) Guest: Lactoid @LactoidTV (YouTube) Whick @Whick-TV (YouTube) Producers: Lisa Elizabeth @LisaElizabeth (X) Kellen Leeson @KellenPDL (X) My Second Channel - https://www.youtube.com/timcastnews Podcast Channel - https://www.youtube.com/TimcastIRL
This morning, Donald Trump put out a truth social statement saying Russia has to get moving.
Too many people are too many people are air dying.
Typo. Thousands a week in a terrible and senseless war, a war that should have never happened and wouldn't have happened if I were president.
Well, we are heavily focused on other things, just tariffs and potential escalation with China and their retaliation, as well as this trade war or largely the trade war.
But the issue of Ukraine is not over.
And Donald Trump is bringing it up once again because.
Well, he's trying to resolve it to some degree.
But what does that resolution actually look like?
And what should we as Americans do?
We're going to debate the issue.
We've got a couple of gentlemen joining us to have this discussion.
Sir, would you like to introduce yourself?
unidentified
Sure. Name's Wick TV, and I run a podcast on YouTube of the same name.
And I'm here to support Ukraine and advocate that we continue to aid Ukraine and even ramp it up a little bit.
My friends, if you're just tuning in, smash the like button.
Of course, share this show far and wide.
It's Friday morning.
The Culture War is live and we're going to be having this debate.
So share the show if you really do enjoy it.
So who wants to go first?
Why we should or should not be supporting this?
unidentified
I'll take it away.
So here, look, Ukraine has been unjustly evaded, invaded by an aggressive force, Russia.
This isn't the first time Russia has invaded other countries.
They did it in Chechnya.
They did it in Georgia.
They did it before in Ukraine in 2014.
And they're doing it again now.
The idea that if we suddenly withdraw our funding, if we withdraw our forces, if we decide to just, you know, let Putin have this little bite now that he will somehow stop,
It's naive.
Putin will not stop.
He must be stopped.
We have a situation where we are and should be funding more money into Ukraine because that money doesn't just go to Ukraine.
It goes to American jobs in American factories, building American weapons to fight America's enemies and support America's allies.
We made in 2024 $316 billion selling our weapons to foreign countries.
This dwarfs the numbers that we've given in aid to Ukraine.
And this demand spiked in 2024 by 26 percent, in part because we have shown ourselves at least a few years ago.
least to some degree, to be a reliable ally.
And so Poland, the Netherlands, other countries want to take and help rearm.
They're up in their GDP, but there's more money out there than there is stuff.
So we have an opportunity now to rebuild our industrial base and use Ukraine as a way to do that because there's other conflicts coming.
We have a trade war with China coming up, right?
Trade wars can often turn into something a little bit hotter, and it behooves us to be prepared for that.
And I think Ukraine is a good reason to do so.
That's my argument.
that.
I think we've been sold a lie when it comes to the war in Ukraine.
We've been sold this tale of a David versus Goliath, this fledgling democracy that's being threatened by this massive authoritarian power, when the reality is the truth is much more complicated.
I mean, here we are $200 billion later, and all we've managed to buy for ourselves is about half a million dead, probably more at this point.
Another half million wounded, some critically, probably more at this point.
And this was all done in service of a power structure in Ukraine that's becoming increasingly authoritarian, a power structure that was founded upon a illegal and unconstitutional coup that disenfranchised millions of people in the East that we just don't seem to
care about.
We didn't seem to care about it in 2014, but it's the direct cause of what's going on now.
And on top of all of that, Ukraine is losing.
And last time I brought this up, you and your comrades kept hammering, well, Kursk, they have Kursk.
Kursk is gone, right?
No, it's not.
Ukrainians have lost Kursk.
They have not.
They still have forces in Kursk today.
Not as much, right?
Not as much of Kursk, but today.
They have a single-digit percentage fraction of what they had, and the Russian forces are moving into Sumy.
So Putin has said many times in his interview with Tucker Carlson and in his speeches and in other statements that he wants to –...regain the imperial power of Russia, to establish greater Russia.
And Ukraine, in his mind, is part of that.
He believes that they are ethnically Russian, that Ukrainians don't exist in a real way, and he just wants to bring them into his fold.
That's his belief structure, and that's why he's doing this.
This nonsense that people will say about, like, oh, it's NATO expansion, oh, it's this, oh, it's that.
It's not.
Putin has been very clear.
He's doing this because he believes that Ukraine doesn't exist, and Ukraine is part of greater Russia, and he'll have it back.
Yeah, I think that's the kind of American propaganda version of whenever the enemies are going to...
That's what Putin has said?
Well, no, it's more complicated than that.
As I think we're going to visit a lot here, a lot of the claims here that are being made are more complicated.
There's more gray area than I think you're giving credit for.
The reasons for the war in Ukraine are complex, and there's many of them.
But some of the main issues are the disenfranchisement of millions of people in Crimea and the Donbass and really the east of Ukraine that happened in 2014 when there was a...
Constitutional, unpopular coup that took place.
It's not a distraction.
That matters.
If we care about constitutional order and we care about democracy, we can't just ignore it when it benefits our enemies.
Even if I grant you this...
One last thing.
NATO expansion is also, of course, going to be one of the major factors.
A few days before the invasion, a demand was made, don't let Ukraine join NATO.
That demand was ignored.
It was up to them.
And then a few days later, the invasion, the 2022 invasion happened.
It is up to them.
Why wouldn't it be up to them?
Let me ask you this.
Do you think that a country's sovereignty matters?
I think that a country's sovereignty matters to an extent.
To an extent.
To an extent.
Let me ask you a question.
Let me ask you a question.
If the Columbia protesters, right, the ones who supported Hamas and things were like, you know what?
And they're citizens.
I'm not talking about the student visas and things like that.
The citizens of Columbia were like, you know what?
We hate America.
We want to be part of Hamas now.
We want to join Gaza.
So we're going to vote to join Gaza.
Do you think that would justify in any way, shape, or form Hamas coming in and attacking America in order to liberate the Colombian protesters who have decided that, oh, we want to be part of Gaza now?
It's disanalogous, and I'll explain why.
A better analogy would be, let's imagine if Canada had an unconstitutional coup that was undemocratic and was against the will of the vote that had just happened, let's say.
And there were parts of Canada that were thus disenfranchised because, like many countries, certain areas tend to vote for certain candidates more than others.
And then on top of that, this new illegal government reached out to Russia and attempted to join Sisto and attempted to put Russian missiles on the border with the US.
As a great power, it is myopic to think that The question I have is,
I do think we should support Taiwan, for example, as another country where I think we should draw red lines and we should not let imperial powers come in and start taking chunks.
And the reason why is because it's in our interest.
And these are the key words.
Ukraine is in our interest because Ukraine is connected to a lot of European countries.
Ukraine isn't just the only country that borders Russia.
You have Estonia boarding Russia.
You have the Balkans, right?
And you have, well, now Finland and Sweden and things, but they weren't part of NATO before the invasion.
But this matters because the reason why a lot of countries in 2004 joined NATO was because they foresaw this Russian imperial aggression that was coming.
They were worried over their sovereignty, and they wanted protection from that.
So if we abandon Ukraine, what that does is it sends a signal to our allies that are our actually allies, the NATO allies that we have, that, you know what?
If it costs too much, then maybe we're going to abandon them too.
And so it's understandable what you're saying that if, say, Lithuania saw an incursion from, you know, Russia brought troops into Belarus and then, or Kaliningrad started launching incursions through the border of Kaliningrad.
But Ukraine's not an ally, nor are they a member of NATO, nor the EU.
So for what, you know, what is the reason the US intervened in this regard?
So, for example, if Ukraine falls, a lot of our European allies will see us as unreliable.
And I'll give you an example of this happening.
Canceled briefly.
Paused the aid that was going to Ukraine, cut off intelligence and things like that.
The EU began to question its purchases that it was making from us when it comes to us.
It has granted them—so the EU has talked about they are no longer going to want to source some of the parts that they get for their munitions and their things from— It doesn't sound like that's related to Ukraine,
It's the home of the Russian Black Sea Fleet, and their only warm water port.
unidentified
And they're primarily Russians in Crimea as well.
But that wasn't under threat, right?
Of course it was.
Why? What was the threat?
They had a lease.
I'll explain to you why it was under threat.
Okay, it was under threat for a couple reasons.
But when you have the pro-Russian president get unconstitutionally couped in 2014, and now you have this country, which prior had promised to not join military blocs, is now looking towards NATO, right?
There is a concern that if they join NATO— You were never joining NATO.
You're saying that, but that's— As a geopolitical actor, how do you know that for sure?
I need more than just a possibility.
I need reasonable...
You had a coup.
You had a coup.
How can you trust this new government when they ignored their own constitution?
They ignored Article 108.
They ignored Article 111.
And they disenfranchised millions of people, millions of Crimeans.
And by the way, the UN had done polling in Crimea prior to this and found that most Crimeans would vote.
But we'll never know for sure if they would because the vote they had was conducted under coercive force.
I think less than two months following the annexation of Crimea into Russia, Pew Research went in and did a poll, and 88% of Crimeans said that Kiev should recognize the results.
Only 4% said no, which is relatively in line with what the referendum was.
Once again, they were occupied by Russian forces.
Don't say no.
When they weren't occupied, they wanted to leave Ukraine and join Russia.
What about that?
Through a poll.
Through a UN poll.
It's in a vote.
A UN?
Because Ukraine wouldn't let them have a vote.
They tried to have a vote in 19...
In 1992, and Ukraine said no.
You need more than just someone calling you up on the phones like, hey, buddy, do you want to secede from your country?
You need an actual constitutional congress.
You need something actual.
Would Ukraine let them have that vote?
At the end of the day, at the end of the day, at the end of the day, none of this justifies Russia coming in.
Of course it does.
Of course it does not.
We would never let that happen in any other situation.
Ukraine did not let them vote.
Russia did not let that happen.
When Chechnya tried to secede, right, when the...
Warsaw Pact broke apart when the USSR broke apart and Chechnya said, okay, we want to go away too.
At the time, they were like, no way, Jose!
And they came in with military force and stomped them down.
I absolutely do not because of the way they handled that.
Whoa! Why don't you support that?
Again, if you listen to that, because of the way they handled that.
What way did they handle it then?
Gross human violations of their rights.
Do Ukrainians do that in the Donbass?
No. No.
So when Amnesty says that they were committing war crimes by firing unguided rockets in civilian areas, that's just thousands of people dead.
You brought up the vote from Crimea, and so I've been looking into it.
I have a question for you.
In the 2010 election in Ukraine, which you mentioned, Viktor Yanukovych won 49.55% against Yulia Tymoshenko, who won 46.03%.
The country was split.
The following 2010?
Yes. Sure.
unidentified
And not to mention, during Euromaidan, the brutalities that Yanukovych was perpetrated on his people, 108 protesters killed brutally.
And 13 cops were killed.
So in terms of the political, I guess, oppression that came following Yanukovych's election, I'm sure there's criticisms you can levy.
I know Yanukovych had issues with corruption.
I know that, in fact, Ukraine now has issues with corruption.
But just because there are those issues doesn't mean that you can trample upon your own constitution to remove a president and not expect separatism in the places, as you brought up, in the places that overwhelmingly voted for Yanukovych.
In Crimea and the Donbass, it was overwhelmingly pro-Yanukovych.
Do their votes not matter?
Do you just get to replace this president in 2014 with somebody that was not democratically elected?
Ignore your own constitution?
This is what led to the separatism, and the separatism...
And this new power structure in Ukraine and this new power structure in separatism is what led to the 2022 invasion.
Well, let me ask you this.
Had the U.S. backed and really wanted Yanukovych, political enemy that he jailed for three years unconstitutionally, right?
If he had wanted— Well, we don't know the details about that, and you don't either.
If he had really wanted—and I'll go with the hypothetical that what— Tim just said was accurate, and that was seen and pretty much seen as shady, as illegal, etc.
So go with it.
Run with me on this.
Would that give us, the U.S., the right to go in with gun, tanks, men, and occupy and seek to annex parts of Ukraine?
Would that have given us the right to do that?
I don't believe you if you say that you think that we would have that.
I think we've talked about matters of scale.
Matters of scale.
Yeah. No, for sure.
Let me explain.
In the event that the Constitution was violated, which we don't know if it was, I mean, we had an arrest warrant for Yanukovych issued in 2014 immediately after he left the country.
You do have a history— He fled the country, yes.
He left, yeah.
You can say he fled because his car was shot at.
If there's a constitutional issue with that, you can say there's major issues.
You can, in fact, even potentially, if it's bad enough, if there's enough repression, that could potentially justify an invasion based on humanitarian reasons.
Unless you want to say, well, hold on, hold on, hold on.
Unless you want to say, hold on a second.
Unless you want to say, well, we can't invade a country even if there's gross humanitarian violations, and then that means you can't, you know, invading Nazi Germany is out of the question, the Confederate South.
That's what I'm saying.
So you can, yeah, if there's enough violations of the Constitution and human rights that could justify potentially humanitarian violence.
Human rights.
But what I'm saying is this...
The Euro made on was particularly egregious.
We have a movement that, according to the last poll prior to the ousting of Yanukovych, had about 45% popularity and 48% unpopularity, primarily in the East.
And you had the president removed, violating Article 108 and Article 111.
And you had separatism.
Well, to some extent it does.
The United States had help from France.
We had a general, Lafayette, come in to help us leave the UK.
Let me ask you this.
Does the U.S., because, you know, we argued no taxation without representation, and I think nullifying your vote is essentially removing representation.
Do the U.S. have a right to leave the UK, England?
Do we have a right to declare independence?
Sure. They were doing more than just that.
They were grossly—they were disappearing people.
They were giving people no trial.
They were just taking them off the street, right?
But here's the deal.
We don't live— None of this justifies.
None of this justifies.
And this is a principle, right?
That a country's sovereignty matters and a foreign entity cannot use military force in order to violate another country's sovereignty in order to solve a crisis that they themselves have helped serve up.
Because let me—
Russia has a habit of doing this.
Russia has done this before.
They did it in Georgia.
They took an internecine conflict that was in South Ossetia.
I can't pronounce.
Oh, Abkhazia?
Abkhazia. Abkhazia.
Thank you.
And they pumped money into them.
They sent their little green men in there again, their little Russian soldiers.
And they stirred up this conflict, again, remarkably similar to how they behaved in Ukraine with the Donbass and with Crimea and these things.
And they use this as an excuse, right, to go in with military force and take a slice, right?
And today, even today.
They occupy, illegally, 20% of Georgians' sovereign territory.
Russia, and Putin specifically, continues to do this, and they play this game.
So this idea that if we just stop funding Ukraine, it's not our problem, he's just going to stop, has not been borne out by the facts of the matter.
If someone continues to exhibit a habit of behavior over and over and over and over again, what is different this time?
Let me ask you this.
You listed twice.
You listed two times.
That's less than the U.S. has intervened in other countries.
We didn't annex Afghanistan.
We didn't...
No, we replaced the government.
But that's a fundamentally different thing.
And again, I'm not here to support every single thing that the United States has done.
And I'm not here to support every single thing the Russian government has done.
You can point out, and by the way, I'm actually critical of the Russian government when it comes to Chechnya.
I think it's surprising that you're not, because...
Or that you are, sorry.
I think it's surprising that you are critical of the Russian government in Chechnya because the same arguments...
It's a genocide, man.
No, it wasn't a genocide.
It was an annexation of an area that wanted self-determination, wanted to be separate because the Soviet Union had just collapsed.
But under your logic of the countries are sovereign, we can't get involved, you should be against Chechnya.
Because Chechnya was part of the Russian government, wasn't it?
It was part of the Russian territory.
Do you think that the U.S. should have gone in?
In Chechnya?
Probably not.
Probably not.
Hold on.
Indeed. Just because of the expense and the kind of geopolitical reality on the ground.
From a moral perspective, we would have been justified.
We would have been justified.
We would have strong justification.
Again, until the Balkans, right?
When we went in...
NATO went in in the 90s, right, and stopped the Serbian genocide that was happening there that the Serbians were conducting, right?
NATO offensive?
Yes, that was good.
That was something we should have done, right?
And when it comes to the war crimes, like, we talk about when war crimes justify intervention.
Look at Buka.
What happened to Buka?
498 civilians massacred.
Does that justify the U.S. getting involved?
I think it does.
Look at what they've done by stealing 20,000, at least, children, Ukrainian children, and disappearing them into Russia to serve with Russian families, to live with Russian families, and to be raised as Russian against the will of their parents.
Does that justify U.S. When you say against the will of their parents, what do you mean?
I mean that the parents, they're not allowed to see the kids.
Is that what's happening?
That is.
Do you even know what the Russian argument is on that?
I don't care why they're doing it.
It's wrong.
They're orphans.
And if the parents are identified, they ship them back to Ukraine.
It is absolutely true.
They're orphans in combat zones.
That is not true.
They're orphans in combat zones.
That is 100% true.
Now, you could say, well, Russia has an obligation to send the orphans to Ukraine.
That could be a discussion.
But again, hold on, hold on, hold on.
The framing here, the framing here.
Do you not think children should be reunited with their families if they're able?
Wick. They're orphans.
They don't have families.
They don't have families.
It's in a combat zone.
But they do in many cases.
Their parents are saying, give us back our kids!
No, and every month when they identify parents, they do send them back.
They are making it very, very hard to identify parents.
See, you're all over the place.
I'm not all over the place.
You are all over the place.
Again, let me ask you one more time because you keep not answering the question.
Does the Buka massacre justify because you have agreed that violations of human rights allow us or allow a foreign country to go in militarily, right?
So if Buka's not enough for you, is them snatching these 20,000 Orphans, as you call them, off the streets and disappearing them into the Russia.
Is that not enough for you?
What about all the other war crimes that have been recognized by the UN, by the ICJ, by the OSCE, by these other human rights watchdog groups that they know is happening in Russian-occupied Ukrainian territories where they are forcing Ukrainian citizens to become Russian?
Get a Russian passport, and then they conscript the men and send them off to fight against Ukraine.
Does that not justify— Whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa.
Hold on.
We got a problem with conscription now?
Okay, we got a couple questions here.
Yes, if you are making someone— Wick, Wick, please.
A couple points here.
First of all, you didn't know what was going on with the orphans.
You were saying, oh, the children are being— This is absolutely happening.
Wick, Wick, for God's sake.
You made the claim, oh, all these children and their parents are begging for them back.
In a lot of cases, yes.
And this is happening in the majority or the vast majority of cases.
That's what was implied.
The reality is they're orphans in a combat zone and they're being moved out of the combat zone.
There's a genuine discussion to be had as to whether or not the orphans should be sent to Ukraine or whether or not they should be sent.
Hold on.
Hold on.
It's just not true.
I let you finish, didn't I?
Whether they should be sent to safer places, I did.
Whether they should be sent to safer places deeper within Russia, away from the combat zone.
I understand that Russia has annexed those areas, and there are people there now who the Russian government considers to be Russian citizens.
The Ukrainian government is also conscripting people who don't want to fight.
There's plenty of videos you can find right now of vans pulling up, grabbing people off the street, forcing them into the front line.
And the big reason why this is happening is because Ukraine is suffering from a critical manpower shortage, which is one of the reasons why they are losing.
You laid out like eight points.
You want to talk about the Butcher Massacre?
You keep talking about things, and we keep needing to address them because you bring up points that are just demonstrably wrong.
And I wait for you to finish.
No, you do not, sir.
So General, the Army General Christopher G. Cavoli met April 3rd, right?
He's the commander of UCOM.
He's the Supreme Allied Commander of NATO Forces, right?
He sat down in front of a session of Congress, right?
An open session of Congress.
And he talked about the Ukraine situation.
This is very recent.
In this, he testified, right?
And I think he would be in a better position to know than you or I, considering the access to the intel he has, right?
He'd also be biased.
Right? Biased.
He's involved in NATO, isn't he?
Okay, yes.
But he has the...
Duty to tell the truth.
Like, here we go.
Like, saying he's biased because he's a NATO general, right?
He's testified that Ukraine has solved its manpower issues.
And, right?
And it is currently in a better position today than it was last year.
Pronunciations might – So the tanks that Russia had in Crimea were already leased to have been in there at the Black Sea port.
unidentified
But not to blockade the Ukrainian military bases there, not to lock down parliament there.
Again, British had a – the British – As I understand it, and again, I'm not an expert on China by any means, but the British had an agreement with the government of China that in 100 years they were going to give back Hong Kong into China's hands.
And the day came, and they did that.
Now, I'm with you.
China has done horrible things to the protesters in Hong Kong.
Our interests, I think, are very much at risk with China right now, considering the seizures, the atolls they've built, and their declaration of ownership of South Tennessee.
unidentified
Would you think it's beneficial, then, for us to stimmy China's allies, to hurt China's allies?
Do you think making China's allies weaker would be in our best interest in the United States?
The reason I ask the question is that I understand that's the reason you asked me a question.
The reason we asked the question is that we have multiple conflicts around the world.
And my point was, when you guys are debating the humanitarian issues of Ukraine, I'm sitting here being like, I literally don't care.
You're arguing with him.
You're saying we should be involved.
And you're saying, but there's humanitarian issues.
I know you're arguing other things, too.
But in that context, I'm just like, I literally don't care.
unidentified
Let me explain my position a little bit more.
I think perhaps there's some agreement that me and Wick have on the extremes, which is that if you have a sufficient humanitarian crisis or a sufficient erosion of democratic principles or constitutional principles, that could justify intervention in certain circumstances.
I think we all believe that, right?
No. Intervention in Nazi Germany.
We all agree.
I mean— Stop them from doing what they were doing?
The U.S. did not invade Storm of the Beaches of Normandy because of the Holocaust.
unidentified
But if we knew about the Holocaust and even if Germany wasn't doing all the other things that we invaded them for, I think that would have been sufficient reason to invade Germany.
I mean, they're giving forced abortions to Uyghur women.
unidentified
I'm not...
Let me explain.
I'm not saying that we should invade China now.
I understand there's a lot of...
It's a different situation and we can go into the minutia of the different...
I think that there is a justification to do so.
The question here is, does Ukraine deserve U.S. intervention?
Is it worth $200 billion?
What are we getting out of this?
What's Ukraine getting out of this, right?
Ukraine's getting the right to exist.
From what I see is that really what's happening is, you said something a while ago that I thought was actually kind of profound.
Your belief on the Israel-Palestine conflict is that Palestine needs to be allowed to lose.
I sort of believe that about this as well.
I think that by giving Ukraine weapons,
We might be slowing the progress of the Russian military to some extent, but it's dramatically increasing the casualties, and the end result's going to be the same.
You may believe that, but that is demonstrably untrue by the facts of the matter.
But I want to talk— And it's not even a country— You keep saying things that are just not true.
No, it is.
You keep saying things that are just not true.
You can look this up.
You can look this up.
People who have much more access— Should we invade Gaza?
Again, there are levels of intervention, and this is why I asked you the question earlier about Hong Kong, about, well, in this case, would you be okay not with military intervention, but with us intervening with aid money?
So we're talking about, should the U.S. engage in forms of warfare, such as sanctions or kinetic conflict, psychological operations, cyber warfare, etc.?
The answer is no.
Should we stop buying from them?
Yep. Yeah, if there's a guy who...
He's got animals and he's a butcher and he tortures the animals before he kills them.
I ain't buying from him.
I'm not intervening.
I'm just saying I'm not going to go.
That guy's crazy.
unidentified
Let me ask you this.
Do you think there's any foreign situation where you would be in favor of the U.S. using a kinetic intervention?
Because we don't know what would have happened had things played out differently.
What we do know is the timeframes by which we acted, we got a result that was largely beneficial until the prevailing powers created what's called the liberal economic order, which has created instability and chaos for generations, and the U.S. entering a bunch of wars they've never declared.
The Constitution of the United States effectively ended in the 50s with these declarations of, say, the IMF, the World Bank, etc.
So there's an interesting conversation that actually was lighting up with Douglas Murray and Dave Smith the other day, and it's been one of the principal discussions on foreign policy now.
There's a lot of concern over the worldview of people like Daryl Cooper as well as Dave Smith and others who have made arguments that Winston Churchill was a bad guy, which I think is largely silly.
I think the circumstances of World War II are the offshoot of World War I. World War I was high-density nations in dispute for a variety of reasons, came to the industrialization of war, which then leads to the wars it was.
It's easy to say now 100 years on nearly.
Well, I don't know because the outcome could have been substantially worse.
Right now what we know is the Nazis were very bad.
They were authoritarian.
They controlled their economy.
They functioned not too dissimilar.
The difference between the communists and the fascists and the Nazis was largely on their view of culture, traditionalism, and progressivism.
We don't want an expansionist authoritarian system that takes everything over.
But the liberal economic order has functioned largely like that, only slightly better in some respects.
unidentified
I fundamentally disagree with that view.
I think the liberal world order has made people more safe, more wealthy, and much better off than it was before.
But that's another argument.
We're talking about Ukraine, Russia today, and I want to— Because you said something there that I do think is interesting, like that we don't want authoritarian expansionist powers.
And I would argue that we should have NATO again.
There's a difference between expanding at the point of a gun like Russia does, and there's a difference between expanding, say, hey, you want to join NATO?
So my point is, I cannot assess which country is joining of their free will when we know in these countries they forcefully remove opposition to NATO.
When a president starts to rise up, say Marine Le Pen, and she says, we want to leave the European Union, so they accuse her of crimes, criminally charge her and remove her.
There's due process restrictions, but once you get out, your rights should be restricted.
unidentified
If her criminal conviction involved jail time, and I'm not sure it does because I'm not quite up on that case specifically, let's say five years in jail.
Do you think she should be able to run from a jail cell?
Interesting. Yes, because in a democratic institution, a democratic country, the people decide.
You can't simply have a judge bang a gavel and say the people no longer have a right to vote.
unidentified
I can't decide to take away your guns.
I can't vote on that.
I can't decide to stop you from speaking, to de-platform you.
I can't vote on that.
And we understand that.
We understand that because we have a constitution that protects this.
We understand that in a democracy, there are certain things— That's not correct.
Wait, wait, wait.
Hold on.
Do we care about constitutional rules now?
Just want to ask.
Like, do we care about constitutional processes?
Do we care about constitutional principles?
We care about principles.
And sometimes principles comes into conflict, and you have to decide the higher principle.
And when you have a principle of sovereign— I think that does rise above a,
again, some legalese in a constitution.
Fundamentally different.
I have a question.
I think your position here, really, it's very convenient, right?
Very convenient because it's very correct.
No, it's very convenient because, oh, if the people there, if they're powerless to stop their oppression, and now your position is, well, other countries, they can't go in and help the oppressed, well, that's very convenient, right?
Now they have to stay oppressed because, hey, other countries can't go in.
You'd be against the French sending Lafayette to help us in our revolution against the British.
You'd be against the U.S. getting involved in Afghanistan for moral reasons and Iraq and Libya and Syria.
You're just like – you're an anti-interventionalist across the board, surely.
Of course not.
And I've already recognized that there are severe extreme circumstances where, yes, intervention, you know –
You probably should do that.
Again, I gave you an example.
In the 90s when we invaded the Balkans, right, and NATO did all that and stopped the Serbians from genocide, all these people, that was good.
I understand, but I make my argument after I say it's insane.
I feel it's insane because, in which I make my argument, right?
I feel it's insane because of scale.
The matter of scale.
These things matter.
It's like water, right?
It's good to drink.
It's okay to drink.
If I splashed you with water, it'd probably be bad, but it wouldn't be as bad as if a tsunami or a flood or any, like a biblical type of flood came in and drank.
Just because a thing can be bad doesn't mean that scale doesn't matter.
When it comes to Syria, the scale matters.
And when it comes to Russia and Ukraine, look, I'm not here to say that Ukraine has been perfect, that Ukraine is this perfect country.
I am saying that when you look at the scale, we're talking about a glass of water versus a flood.
A flood that is Russia.
Russia's war crimes in Bukha, Russia's war crimes in the occupied territories that it does, Russia's war crimes in Chechnya, Russia's war crimes in almost every conflict it's been involved in massively, massively outscale anything you could say Ukraine has done.
So what happens if right now we just stopped Ukraine and said, no more funding, we're done, we're out?
What would happen?
unidentified
So first of all, that sends a signal to… Nuclear proliferation expands.
Japan starts to want to get nukes.
You have all these other smaller countries that say, you know what, we need nukes now because we can no longer rely on the global world order to protect us, which has been protecting us before.
So now we need nukes for ourselves so we can be a sovereign nation and not worry about a greater power coming in and taking us out.
So that's the first thing that happens.
The second thing that happens is China takes Taiwan.
It shuts down trade in the Bering Strait.
I'm sorry, not the Bering Strait.
My bad.
The Taiwan Strait, right, where about $2 trillion a year of commerce goes through, and it just shuts that down because it can.
And you have land grabs by smaller countries, each trying to take pieces of each other, because Ukraine is really a domino.
For clarification, you're saying that the structure of the liberal economic order right now relies on us staying in Ukraine?
Yes. Okay.
unidentified
Yes, in a very real way.
And again, Taiwan is looking at us.
We have our NATO allies looking at us.
We have other countries looking at us.
We have our enemies looking at us.
How are we going to respond?
Are we actually going to stand up for the values that we say that we hold?
When we say we will support Ukraine no matter what, do we actually follow through on that?
And they're looking to see if they can...
Our new government has not said that, that we're going to support Ukraine no matter what, and that would be a wild standard to have.
I'm curious why you support Taiwan, because if you have this standard, well, we can't get involved, even if the population there really wants to leave and perhaps has justification to leave and be a separate country, we shouldn't get involved.
Why is the U.S. arming Taiwan?
Why are we involved in Taiwan?
Shouldn't we just kind of say, well, we can just let them be part of China?
We just had a red line in Taiwan.
China......decides to take over using military force, we will stop them.
Because we recognize that there are fundamental, specific interests that are good for America that run through Taiwan.
First of all, we get a bunch of chips from them, which we put in...
I understand.
I understand.
What I'm asking...
There's a lot of trade...
Quick, quick, quick.
I'm going towards the principle that you elucidated earlier, when you were saying that there's this principle of national sovereignty, and that countries shouldn't be interfered with by outside powers, even if certain sections of that country want to be independent.
Now, it's clear that Crimeans wanted to be independent.
They wanted to be separate.
Hold on.
And their contract was—the rest of Ukraine was violated when the Constitution was thrown away in 2014.
So why are you okay with the U.S. intervening in Taiwan, this also kind of breakaway area, but you're not okay with the Crimean people wanting to leave Ukraine?
Because, again, just like I would be okay if instead of – like if Taiwan wanted to hold a vote, hold a referendum now, right, today, right, with the situation it has now, they aren't under occupation right now, at least not in
any real way.
They could hold that vote, and they have several times to – do we want closer relations with the mainland of China and things like that?
And you have fights politically where they elect leaders that go closer to China, go away from China, things like that.
If they were to say, you know what, we just want to rejoin the motherland, and we are done being our own separate thing, and there was no or not enough coercive force, then –
But if China came in and does what they want to do, which is send boats, missiles, and troops to occupy the nation and force the issue, then yes, I think we absolutely should stop that.
I feel like you ignored something that I brought up earlier.
Because that's what, again, that's what Russia did.
Sure. Well, no.
I feel like you're ignoring something that I said earlier.
In 1992— Crimea declared independence from Ukraine, and they were going to hold a referendum to have a vote.
The central government in Kiev said, no, you don't get to have that vote.
You have one week to withdraw the referendum with a threat of force.
So when you keep saying, well, the Crimeans should have been allowed to vote without Russian interference, I agree.
The Ukrainian government wouldn't let them.
And they also wouldn't let them in 2014.
And so that's why the Russians intervened in Crimea, for also some political, obviously geopolitical reasons as well.
But the people of Crimea, you keep saying, let me ask you, in 1992, do you deny the truth that in 1992 Crimea declared independence and Kiev said no?
I don't deny it.
So when you keep saying, well, the Crimeans should have had a vote themselves, and you have Kiev not letting them have the vote.
I'm confused as to your actual standard here.
Why do you support Taiwan?
Do you think that the United States should have allowed during the Civil War the South to secede?
No, because they didn't have their constitutional rights violated.
What constitutional rights in 92 were violated from Crimea?
Hold on.
So the Soviet Union collapsed.
We're talking between 1990 and 1992.
There was a first referendum in 1991 in which the Crimean people overwhelmingly voted for autonomy.
There was a second referendum in 1991.
The Crimeans and really the rest of Ukraine voted to leave the Soviet Union.
And then literally within a year of the Ukrainians having a referendum to leave the Soviet Union, which was arguably legal at the time, probably illegal, you had the Crimeans say, well, we're going to have a referendum to leave Ukraine.
Ukraine. And the Ukrainians said no.
So the Ukrainian people, when they wanted to have a vote, it was denied to them.
And then in 2014, when they wanted to have a vote, it was denied to them as well.
The OSCE refused to come in.
I'm not saying that Ukraine is angels.
None of this justifies Russia's aggression.
Let's get back to the point, but this is the thing that justifies intervention.
This is the thing that justifies intervention.
When you have an area that has denied a declaration of independence, denied the right to have a referendum, and then when they vote for a president, fine, we're under your constitutional rule, that constitution is broken, and the president that they elected gets thrown out unconstitutionally, and now they're like, well,
we want to leave.
And then Ukraine says no, and the OSCE says we're not going to monitor it because Kiev didn't authorize it.
And then you say, oh, but then the Russians come in.
Nothing justifies this.
Let me ask you, like, what at what point would Russian like it seems like your standard is they'll never be justified.
Crimean National Guard troops entered the residence of the leader of Crimea, seized it, and forcefully took it over.
unidentified
Yeah, look at 1992 as well.
Wow. That was in 95. Yeah, I believe that was in 95. That was in 95. This has been going on since 91. There's 91, 92, 95, 96. When the Soviet Union fell, Crimea said, we're our own place.
And so then, over the next few years, Crimea had established its own forces and constitution, declared independence, and then Kiev invaded and took it over.
unidentified
I'm not here to argue whether or not Ukraine did correctly there.
I'm here to argue that Russia did wrong when it forcefully invaded.
Like, again, even in 95. If Russia had said, you know what, we're going to come in and we're going to take Crimea ourselves, that would have been wrong.
That would have been not okay.
That is something that we should oppose.
We should not let large foreign powers intercede in conflicts that they themselves are stirring up.
Remember? No.
Hold on.
Again, there's been a lot of evidence.
You're about to totally misquote the actual history on this once again.
When it comes to Crimea, Tim just pointed out 1995, 1996 there was also a constitution that was passed in Kiev that changed the relation.
Hold on.
You keep saying that.
Because it keeps remaining to be true.
But we all understand your point here.
We all understand that you think...
I don't think you do.
No, I do.
I'm disagreeing with it.
I'm saying that when you bully an area to this extent, when they want to leave and you deny it, when you invade them and take away their constitution, when you violate the shared constitution that you forced Crimea to be under to their detriment,
the person that they voted for, what it seems to me is that...
If there's anything that justifies...
This is way more justified than the US leaving the UK at this point.
If there's anything that justifies intervention, this is what justifies intervention.
And you keep saying, well, it's not justified.
It's not justified.
How convenient.
This oppressed people that doesn't have the means to defend themselves, well, they can't appeal to any outside power to help save them, save them from this consistent oppression because, well, we can't have intervention.
We can't have any intervention.
They just have to sit and take it.
That's your position.
That is absolutely...
Absolutely not true, because there are a wealth of options, right, that we can get into.
Like, if we wanted to stop that from happening, there are sanctions, there are ways to...
Who would have sanctioned Ukraine?
The U.S. would have sanctioned Ukraine?
Again, if what you're saying is true, and I have to look it up, and when I look it up, is it going to be true?
Please do.
I'm very curious.
But we'll get into that, right?
But in 1995, right, if...
To the world order, Crimea had said, help us, and appealed for help to outside forces.
Do you think that the only choices are military intervention or just letting them get away?
I think at that point, the only option is military intervention.
I disagree.
I think that's untrue.
The coup was pro-West.
The West was not—we've already intervened on behalf of this power structure.
Russia can impose sanctions as well.
Yeah, what they're going to say is, we don't care.
We're going to just trade with the EU now.
We're going to trade with NATO now.
We don't care.
We're going to continue to oppress the Crimeans, and there's nothing you can do about it.
There are other options.
You keep saying there's other options, but first of all, there's not.
And second of all, this standard you have where it's like there's always other options.
There does not mean that you're correct.
The standard you have where it's always other options whenever it's any kind of— You think I'm okay with all of U.S. interventions?
I've named two.
I've named two interventions by the U.S. that I've been totally against.
One is the Iraq War as well as the Vietnam War.
Those are two U.S. interventions that I think we should not have done.
And then we asked you about Libya and Syria.
I didn't know enough about Libya.
But Syria, I think, yes, stopping Assad was a good thing and we should have done it.
And I'd do it again.
Couldn't there be other options for stopping Assad?
There could have, but they weren't working.
Couldn't we sanction him?
Do you understand that we did sanction Assad?
We went through the steps.
To go from zero to a hundred, right?
To go from doing nothing to, okay, now we're coming in with tanks.
It wasn't nothing.
This has been going on since 1991.
We go through a step-by-step process.
No, no, no.
This has been going on since 1991.
We brought up 1992, the Declaration of Independence that was ignored.
We talked about 1995 when Kiev invaded Crimea and abolished their constitution.
We're like, this has been going on for decades, right, at this point.
And you're saying, well, you know, there could have been other things.
They've been trying other things.
It's not like Russia just invaded this out of nowhere.
That's true.
Russia didn't invade out of nowhere.
Russia has always wanted Ukraine, and they have not invaded out of nowhere.
They are invading because they want to gulp up this territory because Putin wants greater Russia.
This is just true.
What you were doing is trying to obfuscate and post-hoc rationalize.
I'm not obfuscating.
I'm citing facts.
What has Putin said?
What is his reason for invading Ukraine?
He brought up the unconstitutional two.
He gave two.
No, he brought up way more than two.
He gave two reasons.
There are two objectives in Ukraine.
What are they?
You didn't even...
Hold on.
There are two objections in Ukraine.
No, you're saying there's two.
You're wrong.
You're wrong.
There's more than two.
Emilitarization? Did you watch his speech?
Enosification. He gave reasons for those objectives.
I think when he says that he wants Ukraine, that he doesn't believe Ukrainians are a thing, that Ukraine exists, really, that they're all really just part of Russia, then yes, I think he's being honest.
And again, I mean, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, we wouldn't have called it a military invasion of Ukraine because the Soviet states were in chaos and disarray.
And they were largely under the rule of Russia as it was.
unidentified
There was a lot going on.
And you're probably correct, actually, in the fact that we probably would have just let it.
See where the chips fall.
But the chips have falled, and we live in a world where certain borders have been drawn, right?
And I think that, again, what is happening today—we're not talking about 20 years ago, we're not talking about ancient history of 800 years ago—is Russia is engaged in an illegal and unjustifiable, expansive project where it wants to take parts of Ukraine and— Absorb it into itself.
Because Putin believes that ethnic Russians, that Ukraine isn't a thing, that they're all ethnic Russians, and he feels that a greater Russian empire wants to be a part, like, he believes he should expand Russia into this greater empire,
that they could be a world power again, and he has these imperialist ambitions and dreams, which he has said over and over and over again.
So to the question of the debate.
Is it in the U.S.'s interest to continue to support Ukraine?
Again, yes it is.
Because we have financial interests there, we have military interests there, strategic interests there.
And making Ukraine an ally in the future, which I think we're on a path to do, and I think that we should do, will give us access to rare earth minerals and better able to – like defensive bases where we can have better logistics and better protect our interests.
So only when you think he's telling the truth, you'll take what he says.
unidentified
When I think what he's saying is backed up by his words and deeds, when it makes sense in the—when we see him acting in— What did he say about the trade conflict with Ukraine?
The trade conflict with Ukraine, he obviously wanted people to be able to trade with Russia, and he wanted them to be closer to Russia because, again, he says he wants to absorb Ukraine.
Putin said that he would cut off trade with Ukraine if they entered into an agreement with the EU because he didn't want cheap European products flooding into Russia.
unidentified
Okay. What does it have to do with whether or not Russia is justified or whether we have interest in continuing to support Ukraine?
It was a question about if you understood the political conflict that's occurring in Ukraine and why the war was happening because you made several assertions about Putin's statements.
So I asked you what Putin said and you didn't know.
unidentified
Putin said a lot of things, and I'm sure that there are things that I've said that Putin has said that I am unaware of.
That's true.
Fair enough.
If he has said some things that I am unaware of, I grant you that.
The trade agreement with Ukraine issue, largely in the election with Yanukovych and Timoshenko, had to do with whether or not Ukraine would be opening up to or joining the European Union.
Many of the Western Ukrainians wanted to join the Schengen zone so they could get freedom of movement to leave Ukraine.
And they viewed it largely as Poland—they saw it as an opportunity the same as Poland had.
When Poland joined the Schengen zone, millions of Poles began to flee the country and go to other countries, notably in the UK, where they started taking jobs with higher base pay because Poland's economy wasn't as good.
The EU didn't want to induct Ukraine because their economy was way too—way worse, substantially worse.
And the average Ukraine at the time was making about $400 per month for your median job.
That meant if they did open the door to trade with Ukraine, 10 million Ukrainians instantly leave Ukraine and go to any other EU country where they can start taking jobs that pay more, which would have caused economic destabilization not too dissimilar to what they saw with Spain and Greece, which they're trying
not to repeat.
However, Ukraine was actively in a political dispute.
Western powers, notably the U.S., and funding various NGOs through USAID and with European interests were supporting the EU side of the argument.
Russia was supporting the Russian side of the argument, which is why the country was split east to west.
The Kiev Oblast obviously was moving to the west, which is why you get Euromidan.
So a lot of NGOs were able to organize with the assistance of USAID.
I don't think it's as simple to say that the CIA snapped their fingers and made a revolution happen.
They provided the resources so that activists in places like Kiev could do the work without having to worry about having jobs or not getting paid enough money.
So largely what ends up happening is Russia issues an alternative.
Automatum. Both sides offered tons of money to Yanukovych at the time.
Russia said, look, if you open the door to European trade, we're shutting you down.
We're not going to do trade with you because cheap European products would then flood
Perhaps. I mean, considering 7 million Ukrainians fled, it's hard to know exactly what's going on.
But what we got after the fall of Yanukovych was Poroshenko, which led to obviously the Burisma scandal, U.S.'s illicit involvement in Ukraine, the Qatar-Turkey pipeline conflict, Nord Stream 2, the expansion of the war, and ultimately where we're at now with Russia seizing the Donbass region and the Oblast stretching from the Donbass down to Crimea to secure a land bridge.
unidentified
What Russia is doing in Ukraine right now, its invasion that it started in February of 2022, is...
Unjustified because it is trying to go in and annex territory.
It's trying to seize territory unjustly from a sovereign nation.
All this Euromaidan stuff is a distraction.
It really is.
It is a distraction.
Because it does not matter to the justification.
It does not matter to the justification.
When we're talking about the war in Ukraine, you don't think discussing the cause matters?
I think that the cause being Their leader was unconstitutionally outed does not justify, again, the Buka massacre.
It does not justify the 20,000 children that were snatched away.
It does not justify any of these actions that Russia has taken.
And Russia has demonstrated again and again and again that this is how it operates.
It stirs up this conflict, and then it takes advantage when this conflict happens.
I mean, it's connected to it, but the question is, does the U.S. government have the right to go to Ukraine and say, we will withhold congressionally approved loan guarantees unless you fire your state prosecutor?
unidentified
I don't know enough about that to say, to be clear.
And it doesn't matter in the end of the day.
Because again, we're not talking about U.S. when it comes to, is U.S. justified in...
Asking Ukraine to fire a prosecutor.
We're asking, is the U.S. justified, and should the U.S. continue to aid this current conflict, regardless of how it started?
We have a situation where Ukraine's people are fighting for its life.
They're fighting for its independence.
They're fighting for the right to exist as a nation.
And I think that we have both financial interest in this, right, in making them allies, in getting mineral trade deals like Trump is trying to do.
We have an interest in setting them up and protecting our wider interest in the regions by, again, if we can stop Russia now, because Russia's not going to stop.
They have other imperialist ambitions.
And again, I encourage you to go watch the April 3rd discussion between the EU commander, Army General Christopher G. He's a NATO official.
You're trying to obfuscate from this conversation.
Talking about the cause of the war is not obfuscation.
What's happening here is that you have a list of pre-programmed dogmatic talking points that you've been giving out this whole time.
Putin is not justified.
He's invading.
Hold on.
What I'm saying is that when you look at the history of the conflict, when you look at the causes of the conflict, that's relevant when we're deciding who to support with our money.
I'm not saying support Russia with U.S. dollars.
I'm not saying do that.
I'm saying that...
We should be a little bit choosy with which wars we're funding.
We should be a little bit choosy with where we're sending billions of dollars.
I choose to send my money to Ukraine, and so does most of America.
So why is Vladimir Putin taking this specific region of Ukraine?
We have the battle map pulled up.
unidentified
This specific – the ones he's – he wants to take all of Ukraine, I would say.
Again, his stated goals at the start of the war were demilitarization and denazification, and you can't do either of those if you don't control at least a major portion of Ukraine.
The region, the Donbass region, right?
This is what he has been since 2014, since Crimea, sending in his little green men to stir up these and to fund these kind of separatist groups and to help them and to kind of stir up this conflict so he can,
But again— Can you name the Oblasts that he seized?
unidentified
Luhansk and Donbass?
And then Donbass?
No. Zapazia?
He has some— Zafrizia, her son, Donetsk and Luhansk, and then Crimea.
Sure. Okay.
I think it might be interesting to kind of put the election map from 2010 compared to the current occupation map.
I think that's something that could be useful, right?
One of the reasons why, and Crimea, the reason obviously the Russians were able to take it so quickly was because the population there was in support of Russia.
But one of the reasons, again, why they managed to make such great strides in the areas that they currently hold is because the population is not vehemently anti-Russian.
And there's polls that show this.
And this idea that the separatist movement in the Donbass was just this entirely engineered thing, it's just not true.
There are people there who were upset, again, because they voted for this guy that was removed.
But again, well, do you deny that Russia has exacerbated whatever natural enmity might exist there, that Russia has used its— I have no doubt that the Russian government has helped the separatists in the East and in Crimea in the same way that I have no doubt the Spanish and the French helped the U.S. during our War of Independence.
These are not analogous.
The Spanish and the French did not take...
If the state voted to join them.
This is the thing that's very confusing, right?
Self-determination includes a country voting to join another country.
Self-determination doesn't count when you have guns pointing at your head.
Which is what happened in 2014.
That's not what happened.
When the Russians intervened in Crimea, they weren't going and pointing the guns at the population that supported them's heads.
They supported them both before, during, and after this whole incident.
So right now there's heavy conflict in their northern oblasts.
Kharkiv, for instance, is the Ukrainian front on the Russian border.
If the government of Kharkiv had, let's say, 40 percent of the local government was in favor of seceding to join Russia, should he go in and remove them from power by force?
Growing sentiment is rising, like hypothetically, growing sentiment is rising among the local population that they should actually join the fight with Russia against Kiev.
Should Zelensky send the military in and arrest those politicians?
unidentified
I think that they have a duty to the state and to the security of the state to go in and to stop that.
I do believe that they have a duty to the state and the security of the state to go in and stop that from happening.
So in this context, if the people of these areas try to make self-determination independently through their own local government, you're saying he should stop that.
Yes, I don't think that— So they have no right to vote on how they should exist?
unidentified
I don't think that right supersedes the right for the state itself to protect itself from an ongoing invasion.
But again, under the context of a current invasion, I don't think it's okay for a portion of a country to try to secede during an invasion.
So like, for example, if America was being invaded, if...
Canada rose up for some reason, right, and was coming in through the borders.
I don't think that it would be okay.
I don't think it would be morally justified for Georgia to try to secede from the Union because there were— Well, this is a border state, which is why it's the example.
And you said they should stop, they should arrest politicians who are against their will.
unidentified
No, again, in the context of them joining an enemy state that is actively invading...
Invading their country.
You keep leaving out these contexts and doing this funny little trick where you'll set up a hypothetical under certain circumstances, and then you will change the circumstances, and you'll say, oh, look, you said yes to this, so it must be yes to that.
Or it's literally called me asking you to find the degree by which you are accepting of certain degrees of power.
So if you say, Zelensky should abide by the Constitution, I will then ask you, okay.
Should we have elections?
Then you say, right, so the issue then when I say, should there be standard habeas corpus?
You say, it depends.
That would literally imply sometimes there should not be.
Yes. Yes, I'm asking you these questions to find the line by which you would say the line has been crossed, not to set up, as you described it, funny little hypotheticals.
So I'm asking you, when we talked about Crimea, Crimea had an election and you didn't respect it.
So I ask you, what if Kharkiv?
unidentified
If the Crimea had an election under gunpoint and the UN doesn't respect that, the international law doesn't respect that.
Now, the reason why I asked is because in the instance of Crimea— The people of Crimea overwhelmingly voted to join Russia, but your argument is it's fake.
Russia was occupying the region, so it doesn't count.
I then asked you, what about a legitimate election?
And you still said the state should use military force from stopping those people from having that vote.
unidentified
Because during, in Crimea, they weren't under invasion from Russia, but in this other situation they were, and my answer was, in the context, I think you're missing my answer.
Crimea's election does not count because they're under duress.
We agree.
I asked you about what if another oblast had a legitimate election and you said no, which means even in the instance where Crimea was choosing to join Russia, you would not accept it.
unidentified
Because these legitimate, as you said, you sneak it in, right?
But again, they are also under duress because there is a foreign military power actively engaging.
The reason why I asked you this, because your point doesn't matter to why I'm asking you a question.
You can assert some point after the fact.
My point is, we are trying to understand your position on Crimea versus any other political process.
You have asserted that the Crimean election doesn't...
is not legitimate because they were under occupation.
Agreed. What if there was an oblast not under occupation?
You still think they should not be allowed to secede.
In fact, when Crimea did get absorbed by Russia, the Donbass was already in conflict with Russian troops in the eastern region of Luhansk and Donetsk.
Russia was already actively in this conflict, though it wasn't a hardcore invasion.
The country was still considered in a civil war when this broke out.
After Trump's election, this simmered down and they stopped referring it to as a civil war, but a separatist movement, despite the fact Crimea had already been absorbed.
I'd have no problem with you saying I don't care what Crimea wants.
They don't get to vote for secession.
And I'd say, okay, if you made the argument that I don't care what Ukraine does, the U.S. shall prevail, I'd understand your position.
But you keep trying to create moral justifications for why this instance is right and that instance is wrong.
I think your better argument would be, literally nothing matters, all is fair in love and war, and we're going to crush Russia.
And I'd say, okay.
unidentified
Here's the deal, right?
Again, when you gave me the hypothetical of Kharkiv, right?
And I said, no, because...
This legitimate process because, and this is a context I think you were ignoring and I think that makes me not inconsistent here, is that there is a form of duress, an extreme form of duress, and they're actively being invaded by the group that Kharkiv wants to secede to.
Which is what Crimea did, right?
No. What Crimea did was they were invaded by Russia.
If the U.S. built a port in Taiwan and staged their entire Pacific fleet there with all their flagships and 30,000 personnel, would we call that an occupation?
So what you're saying is that Sevastopol was occupied by Russia the whole time and wasn't invaded because they already had their Black Sea Fleet flagship there.
So it was their most significant port.
In fact, their only warm water port.
unidentified
During the Crimean referendum, Russian troops blockaded Ukrainian bases that were located in Crimea, so they couldn't stop them.
Crimea already housed thousands or tens of thousands of Russian personnel.
If you believe that Crimea was under duress...
And then I ask you about another region not under duress, but your position is if they are going to be joining an adversarial force that is actively in conflict with them, we would not allow it.
It would not have mattered what the results of either election is.
It doesn't matter if Crimea is under duress or not.
I don't know why you can't just say that.
It's a simple answer.
Crimea can't secede because we won't let them, just like in 1991.
We didn't let them then.
We're not going to let them now.
End of story.
Determination doesn't matter.
There's no problem saying it.
Abraham Lincoln didn't let the South make self-determination.
So it's a simple argument.
That's what I'm trying to understand.
I don't see a cohesive moral worldview in the argument.
unidentified
Let me see if I can explain this in a different way.
I think that in cases where – like self-determination matters to a point.
I think that – Also, the sovereignty of a nation matters as well.
Sometimes these things can come in conflict.
I tend to side with sovereignty over self-determination when it comes to these things.
But there are extreme instances where I think, you know what?
Self-determination is probably the way to go.
For example, if your people are being genocided and you want to break off and you're like, this is too much.
We cannot suffer this anymore.
Fair enough.
That's okay.
But to act as if the hypothetical you gave me did not map on or mapped on to what was happening in Crimea, it does not.
The view of the people in Kiev, and this is relatively anecdotal, as I interviewed them in these protest movements, was that when the fighting emerged in Luhansk and Donetsk, it was the beginning of civil war, which they referred to as civil war.
When I came back three years later, they said, we don't call it that anymore.
It's just a separatist movement, but it's largely being put down.
unidentified
Because they realized probably, during that space of time, that they had overreacted.
They had used hyperbolic language.
They had tuned down.
But again, We can recognize that the invasion in 2022 is a fundamentally different thing at a different scale than whatever what was happening in 2014.
Again, if they're being genocided, if they're—again, there are certain lines, and I can't give you a specific one.
What if they're denied to vote?
Like, what if an area is disenfranchised?
Should they be able to leave?
How many times?
Just generally speaking, the president they elected was removed, or I guess in the U.S. case, we're not allowed to vote.
Like, where— How much of your representation needs to be denied before you say, hey, look, you have a right to form your own country?
Because the UN has talked about this, and if you have an area without self-determination, that's one of the justifications for independence for that area.
There was several litigated cases about this, including some islands in between Finland
We could have that discussion, but unfortunately we can't because Russia interceded in a way that made it impossible for us to ever know whether or not Crimea would secede naturally or not.
We can't have that conversation because Crimea tried to leave and Ukraine said no.
Indeed. It just appears that the Republic of Crimea, as they deemed it, and the people of Crimea have a substantially different worldview than the rest of Ukraine.
They viewed themselves as autonomous.
And Ukraine decided to crush them, remove their laws, and send in the National Guard to actually shut down their attempts at sovereignty.
I think we'd be doing the audience a disservice if we didn't actually give the real reasons for the war, which I think yours are largely emotional, moral, and one-dimensional.
Russia's not invading Ukraine because they want to restore the Russian Empire, though Vladimir Putin has stated he does want to bring back the Soviet Union.
He hasn't said it exactly as that.
That's not the reason for the invasion of Ukraine.
The invasion of Ukraine is specifically because Russia has one warm water port into the Black Sea, which is in Sevastopol that costs billions to produce.
It's the home of their Black Sea fleet and it's where they do the principal exports through the Bosphorus Strait and through the Suez Canal.
Meaning if Russia loses access to Crimea, they're not going to be doing any trade with North Africa or the Mediterranean and they'll get cut off from India and the rest of the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean.
This means that Russia has no choice politically but to make sure they secure Crimea by any means necessary.
After the Euromaidan protests and the ousting of Yanukovych, there was a large movement that was pro-EU, which meant Crimea would have fallen to the hands of European Union forces, NATO interests.
So Russia obviously then says, referendum, oh, it's us.
Yeah, I agree.
I don't think is legit, but Russia is not going to give up their only Black Sea warm water port.
Some have argued, why don't they just build it in Novorossilsk or whatever, or Sochi?
They're not going to rebuild their entire military infrastructure.
That seems ridiculous.
Certainly they could, but this would mean that the next 30 or 40 years, they're caught up from the Black Sea, and their principal export, of course, is going to be energy, which ain't going to happen.
A large portion of their exports, of course, are natural gas into Europe, which props up
That's through Gazprom.
Gazprom has a natural gas monopoly in Europe, and Gazprom runs through Ukraine.
Russia is another means of delivery of natural gas into Europe, that's through Germany with Nord Stream.
Of course, we now know, according to Germany, it is accused that Ukraine blew up the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, sabotaging Russia's ability to export natural gas to Europe, for which was propping up their economy.
So the reason why Russia invaded the eastern regions of Ukraine and secured only
Donetsk, Mariupol, Kurson, and portions of Zaporizhia is so that they can secure a land bridge access to Crimea so they do not get cut off from their exports.
They had a bridge that stretched from Russia through Kirch into Ukraine, but it was bombed by Ukrainian forces, presenting the West with the exact reason why Russia secured the eastern region and why they're not waging a sustained front through Belarus.
It also explains why when people make the argument that Russia wants Ukraine so it can invade the rest of these countries is a lie, because these people don't even know that Kaliningrad exists.
Right. That argument goes out the window.
If Russia gets cut off from the Black Sea, they're going to lose 40% of their economy overnight.
There is nothing, nothing that will stop Russia from fighting a war to secure this region.
That is why this war is happening.
Now, certainly, Vladimir Putin does want the Soviet Union back.
He's not going to get it.
It's not going to happen.
That's why he's been largely disinterested in the expansion of NATO into Estonia and Latvia.
He's allied with Belarus.
Sure, there's a concern if the war expands.
Maybe Belarus will carve out a piece of Lithuania and Poland to create a land.
unidentified
But this idea that they only are taking this specific portion, they, in the early days of the war, they had troops in Kiev!
That they were rolling into Kiev.
They tried to take it all.
They were stopped from doing that.
They have since decided, hey, this is probably only what we can hold on to.
And, frankly, I don't know if they can hold on to it for much longer.
I think the challenge largely is, you know, the lack of understanding in conflict makes it difficult for a lot of people to understand the requirements of warfare and the targets that have to be secured first.
It's why in the Gulf War we just dumped all their petroleum out.
When you cut a nation off from their energy source, nothing else matters.
Which is why in sci-fi they often make the joke, all of these movies are dumb because if aliens actually ever came here, they'd blow up North Dakota first.
They'd take out our frack fields, eliminate our ability to power anything that we do.
invaded in every direction likely has to do with any standard
first grade level of chess.
Sometimes you want to distract your opponent in one direction while secretly moving in an area where you want to secure it, which is why when Ukraine actually started to wage their counteroffensive, Russia did not retreat from the Donbass.
In fact, the reason why it's largely considered that Ukraine's lost is because Russia has already secured the entire Donbass Eastern region, stretching down into Crimea, securing their Black Sea access.
If the first thing NATO forces did was carpet bomb the East and flatten all Russian forces and cut them off from the Black Sea,
NATO troops and US troops in Poland have been the ones training the troops, and you've got the International Coalition of Volunteers that are doing a lot of fighting on the ground.
unidentified
You understand that they are doing far more targeting than just the things that were in the Black Sea.
Sure. That they have targeted things that leave...
Are you saying right now that there are U.S. special forces that are currently engaged in hot conflict, kinetic conflict, with Russian troops right now?
But U.S. special forces are actively involved in the conflict right now in Ukraine.
unidentified
I don't deny that.
Right. Again.
There are lines, and one of the lines is, are you involved in a hot, kinetic conflict where U.S. troops or special forces are shooting at Russian forces right now?
Ukraine. And who's giving the intelligence and the weapons to Ukraine?
NATO. Do you think that any sane person outside of the United States looks at that and says, don't worry guys, the U.S. is not involved because those guys aren't formally under the direction of Americans?
unidentified
Do you think my argument is that the U.S. isn't involved in this?
My argument here, and the whole reason I'm here, is to advocate for further U.S. involvement in the form of aid and weapons and training.
The end goal is to stymie Russia's imperial ambitions to help Ukraine maintain its sovereignty in the best way we can.
Look, I'm not Nostradamus.
I don't have a crystal ball.
I don't know who's actually going to win this war, but I think that we have an interest.
In making sure that Ukraine gets as good a peace deal as it can out of this, that at the end of the war, however this ends, that Ukraine is in a much better position than Russia is.
Right now, the war stops as is, and the territory is held by Russia.
Yeah. Russia...
Ukraine won.
unidentified
I agree a little bit with what you're saying and a little bit with what Wick is saying.
I wouldn't say that Ukrainians have lost.
I am kind of on the position that they're losing.
If there is a peace right now and the only change is that the currently occupied territories go to Russia, I think it would be a sort of like a partial victory for Russia.
But really, I think the other thing that is necessary for it to be a complete victory would be some kind of guarantee that Ukraine would not join NATO.
I think that's the main thing they're really looking for here.
If the position right now is Ukraine wins by securing their sovereignty and Russia loses by not expanding their goal, then I think we should be in agreement that the war ends today and Ukraine won.
unidentified
If that's what the Ukrainian people want, I would be supporting that.