Nigel Farage’s Reform UK surged from 2-3% in 2021–2022 to 13% by June 2024, yet its policies—like shifting immigration stances and Blairite "British values"—mirror Labour and Conservatives. Leadership hypocrisy, including Farage’s 2018 UKIP exit over Islam and Richard Tice’s indifference to white British minority status by 2063, exposes a party more focused on electoral survival than principle. Internal bullying, like targeting MP Rupert Lowe for "too far right" views, reveals authoritarian control masking empty nationalism. Reform UK isn’t an alternative but a distraction, offering no real break from the system it claims to oppose. [Automatically generated summary]
There are many people who are on the fence about whether they ought to back Nigel Farage and Reform UK or take a chance on Rupert Lowe's new political gambit Restore Britain.
This is of course completely understandable.
Nigel Farage has a significant head start.
He's at the head of a national political party and its apparatus.
He has spent the last two years building reform into the unofficial opposition party and he is one of the most recognisable political figures in Britain due to his work to secure victory in the Brexit referendum.
Given Reform's likely poll position heading into the next election, if nothing else changes, it seems that the issue is a slam dunk for Farage, and any other political endeavour would be doomed to fail.
Indeed, why even try?
Don't we have a right-wing party poised for victory?
Isn't Britain on the cusp of being saved already?
Why are we even discussing this?
Well, there are frankly a few major issues with reform as a party and Nigel Farage himself that demands scrutiny.
Moreover, we are in strange political times and I don't think anything can be taken for granted.
There are no slam dunks, there are no safe seats, and a tectonic political realignment is taking place beneath our feet.
We appear to have a brief window of time in which we are in a position to actually get something that we want, rather than continuing to tolerate the least bad option of a system that has been destroying us.
And this really is the problem that we are facing today.
What does Nigel Farage actually represent?
Is he promising to overthrow the paradigm that is currently destroying our country?
Will he prevent the looming inevitability of the British becoming a demographic minority in their own ancestral land?
If already, in your heart of hearts, you know that the answer is no, then why bother with him?
It seems that Farage himself doesn't have the stomach for the fight either.
Not only does he recoil in horror when he's called a racist by the media, but he seems not to have wanted to get involved in the first place.
You may recall in 2024 that Nigel Farage was planning to swan off to America to help Donald Trump campaign for his third attempt at the presidency.
Richard Tice publicly pronounced that he had kept the party on life support on only a few percent in the polls and it would be swiftly handed over to him were he to return.
All that was needed was the will to campaign to bring reform back to life.
And Farage refused.
No, he was going to go and help his friend in the United States.
For some reason, that was more important than saving Britain.
But then something strange began to happen.
Popular discontent with the Conservatives saw reform begin to organically rise in the polls as a protest vote.
Under Richard Tice, reform rose slowly but surely from between 2 and 3% in 2021 and 2022 to 5 and 6% in 2023.
By the beginning of June 2024, Reform's national polling had peaked at 13%.
Things were beginning to accelerate.
People were not happy.
Internal polling for reform, commissioned by Aaron Banks in January 2024, revealed that, with Farage as leader, reform would win in Clackton-on-Sea.
And having been kept at arm's length by Trump in America, Farage decided instead to return to reform and stand for Parliament in Clacton.
He won and became one of Reform's five MPs, alongside with Rupert Lowe, who was the reform candidate for Great Yarmouth.
So far, this story does not stand in the annals of great revolutionary leaders.
Instead, it would reveal Farage to be something of a chancer, looking for opportunities rather than campaigning to open them up.
Despite using the language of the revolutionary, Farage always played it safe to protect his own position.
Okay, well, we are in the position now where Farage is leading reform and leading in the polls, even if the margin by which he is leading is less than impressive.
So, what would he do with his victory?
Were he able to achieve it?
The most important political issues that have persistently dogged the British public for the last two years have been immigration and the economy.
And these two issues aren't deeply intertwined with one another.
It's become apparent that immigration is dramatically hurting not only the national economy, but also the earning potential of the individuals working.
So, what is Reform's policy on immigration?
Well, it's hard to tell.
In 2023, it was net zero immigration, a kind of one-in-one-out policy to stabilise the rate of replacement of the British people.
In June 2024, Farage took a hardline stance and promised a freeze on non-essential immigration, but this was walked back in May 2025 when instead he promised a cap on immigration, which implies immigration would still be net positive numbers, but at the same time refused to give any details.
And now, because of pressure from the right and restore, Reform is promising net negative immigration.
In February 2026, Farage promised an ICE-style deportations agency, despite previously being critical of ICE for going beyond their own remit, and in the face of his own claim that mass deportations were a political impossibility.
These people need to go, don't they?
And by saying that you don't support mass deportations.
When I say I support mass deportations, that's all anybody will talk about for the next 20 years.
So it's pointless even going there.
So it's a return.
It's a political impossibility to deport hundreds of thousands of people.
We simply can't do it.
What is revealed here is essentially a man of the centre who is consistently being dragged to the right by events and the public's desire to reverse mass immigration.
He begins in a relatively tepid position that is on the right of the current centrist consensus, and he's happy there.
Then, when events conspire to force the issue, he is pressed into a more hardline position that one can't help but feel he doesn't really believe, but must adopt in order to maintain himself as the right wing of the status quo.
Speaking of the status quo, Farage, for some reason, still trusts the Tories.
In 2019, he stood down the proto-reform Brexit Party to allow Boris Johnson a clear shot at the election, which allowed the Conservatives to break Labour's hold over the North.
Of course, the promised levelling up never materialised, but moreover, the greatest immigration betrayal in our history was carried out by these Conservatives, and therefore, in an indirect way, Farage holds some responsibility for the Boris wave.
Farage then made the baffling decision to U-turn on his own position against the Conservative Party and its MPs, as in July 2024 he declared that he didn't want Tory poison in his party.
At Jordan Peterson's art conference in 2025, Farage even declared that the Tories were not a party of the right at all.
First things first, the right is not split in this country.
The Conservative Party is not on the right in any measurable way.
And yet, somehow, now his party is crammed full of Tories.
But not just any old Tories, those people that were themselves in Boris and Rishi's cabinets as immigration minister and home secretary during the Boris wave, the peak of the highest immigration into this country in all of our history.
Again, what we see is this fundamental weakness in his character.
He can see what the principled position to hold is, he just can't bring himself to firmly grasp it.
Without rehashing Farage's long relationship with the Conservative Party, it seems that his entire career has essentially to be just a rogue element of it.
That rogue element that wanted Brexit.
And now that he has won that battle and defeated the remainers who controlled the party, he is reconstituting it along his own lines.
In this way, the Reform Party does not seem to be substantively different to the Conservatives, which is why I assume so many ex-Tories are so comfortable in reform.
Take this clip from ex-Conservative MP Danny Kruger from his interview on the Winston Marshall Show.
British Civic Nationalism00:03:26
Perhaps the most striking from your book, which is: the British are bound by something quite other than blood.
Ours is a civic, not a racial nationalism, an artificial brotherhood forged by centuries of peaceful enjoyment of the common inheritance to which all newborn citizens, whether ethnic Saxons or Afghans, are equal heirs.
Now, it strikes me because of your inclusion of Afghans there, not least because I don't think Afghans have been here for centuries.
So Afghans who have been here, it would have been they're probably first generation, possibly second generation.
But you're suggesting that they are equal heirs to those who have been here for 1100, since earlier than England's existence, even.
Well, I talk about newborn Afghans being heirs to the civilization that they're born into, and that is correct value.
I don't know who my grandfather was.
I mean, the idea that we only have value if we can sort of trace our inheritance back to Saxon times, I think is unreal and immoral.
Actually, we should be saying: as long as you are, if you are born here, if you are, you know, you're a son or daughter of this country, you are the heir to Alfred and William and Elizabeth and Victoria.
You know, the great kings and queens of England were your, they are the, they created the inheritance which you now have.
Kruger believes that Afghans are as entitled to the inheritance of Britain as British people, and thinks it's immoral to think otherwise, to think that the British have a claim upon the country that the Afghans do not.
Farage himself has a particularly wet attitude towards questions of national identity and belonging.
Also, not only did he stuff the upper echelons of his party with people of foreign extraction, following precisely David Cameron's policy for the Conservative Party, which he took directly from Tony Blair's policy with the Labour Party, but he also seems to believe in some kind of woke trans-ethnicity.
When asked to define a Welsh person, he said that it was someone who had lived and was settled in Wales for a period of five or ten years, which would, by his approximation, make Axel Rudicabana a Welsh choirboy.
And elsewhere, he also said that he believes that non-English people are English if they just feel like saying that they're English, in the same way that trans women are women, if they just feel like saying that they are a woman and they put on a dress.
Well, it sort of matters to people, because Rishi Sunak was also on this.
I think this podcast is a very important thing.
I think that's a good question.
Rishi Sunak was on this podcast after it was said of him that he couldn't be English because he was, not my words, but the words of the person who said it, brown and Hindu, he said, of course I'm English.
But Matt Goodwin, who wants to be your next MP, suggests he might not be.
He says, people are going to identify as British and indeed English in terms of nationality, but many, and he said Rishi Sunak, are not English in terms of ethnicity.
So is your candidate right now?
Listen, I'm not going to start drawing ethnic lines on what being English is.
Otherwise, maybe back to DNA Tesla, whether you're Anglo-Saxon.
Nigel Farage's Tyrannical Parties00:10:22
I'm not going down that road.
It's about how you feel and it's about what your priorities are.
That's what I'd say.
What this amounts to is just a form of globalism in which the British people are divorced from their own immutable heritage, which can then be lifted from them and given to others.
And moreover, it seems that the stock answer from reform on the question of the English becoming a demographic minority in England is essentially indifference.
As Richard Tice put it in his interview with Stephen Edgington.
And he predicts that by 2063, Britain will be minority white British.
Is that a concern of yours at all?
Yeah, I don't think that's a.
I mean, I haven't seen those predictions in 2063.
It's a long way off.
But it's a few decades.
Yeah, it's a few decades.
Well, I'm trying to do the maths quickly in my head.
But it's in most people.
I'll be long gone.
This kind of indifference to what appears to be the inevitable prospect of the British peoples losing control of their own nations seems not to trouble reform at all.
Indeed, they seem nominatively to have given the game away already.
Reform UK clearly wants to take the UK as it is parodied now and save it from its own extremities, but the direction of travel is still the same because the underlying axioms it holds remain identical to those held by the Labour and Conservative parties.
Reform UK believes in Tony Blair's innovation of British values and does not feel that there is more to this country or its people than that.
As far as all of the parties in the mainstream are concerned, Britain is a propositional nation and Reform UK agrees.
Indeed, Lalia Cunningham seems to think we are essentially the United States in all but name, falsely believing that we are a secular republic and not a unity of crowns with the king as the head of state and the head of the Church of England.
Not only can we see this bizarre secular Republican mindset in reform, but Robert Jenrick declared his commitment to the Blairite structures of the managerial state in his maiden speech after being dubbed Reform's Shadow Chancellor.
He has promised to maintain the Office of Budget Responsibility, a Cameronite innovation, and preserve the independence of the Bank of England from government control, something which was done in the early years of Tony Blair.
He then texted a copy of his speech to Cameron's former Chancellor, George Osborne, for his approval.
With this, Jenrick has shown his commitment to the system itself rather than to the good of the British people.
It does not benefit us to have the Bank of England unaccountable to the ministers we elect, nor does it help to have suspect quangos like the OBR be able to pull strings and influence outcomes outside of our control.
Reform is promising business as usual when it comes to the Blairite constitution of the state.
This is simply not acceptable.
In sum, then, these problems are the core ones so far.
Fundamentally, Reform UK are a Blairite party run by the right wing of the Blairite consensus.
And indeed, Nigel Farage has confessed many times that he exists to contain the right in order to stop authentic nativist parties from doing things that are actually in the interests of the British people themselves and instead ensure that the dissident energy is harnessed by the system itself.
Farage has told us that he is containment.
Nobody, nobody over the last quarter of a century has done more to defeat the genuine, intolerant, abhorrent, extreme far-right than me.
We did it with the British National Party and will do it with whoever else follows.
And then we come to the issue of Nigel Farage and Islam.
A large swathe of the British public feels that Islam in Britain is a problem and they wish to address it in some way.
Indeed, any right-wing party would be expected to do so and somehow arrest the spread of Islam within Britain.
We do not wish to become an Islamic country.
However, confronting this issue absolutely terrifies Nigel Farage.
Not only was it the reason that he quit as leader of UKIP in 2018, but he has said that he believes that it's not possible at all for us to confront Islam.
But the nub of it is we have a Muslim population in Britain growing by about 75% every 10 years.
Right, that's just where we are.
If we politically alienate the whole of Islam, we will lose.
It seems then that Farage is prepared for Britain to become an Islamic country and is in fact attempting to hold the project of Blairism together until that future becomes the present.
Farage has a history of following the path of least resistance, and on the subject of Islam, he doesn't even have to think about it.
Better to fill the upper echelons of his party with Muslims than attempt to wrangle with such a difficult issue.
And none of this even touches on the non-ideological problems with reform.
Yes, they are a Blairite party masquerading as a right-wing party.
Yes, they vacillate between positions as the prevailing political winds demand because they are not men of principle.
Yes, they have no concern for the future composition of the nation, and all of this ought to be enough for us to ask, why would we vote for you then?
But there are other, less immediate concerns that are worth considering.
Firstly, reform have a very strange series of incongruities in their party.
As their slogan goes, they are for family, community, country.
But they don't live these principles.
Whose family are they for?
Well, not their own for some reason.
Nigel has two ex-wives and was about to jet off to America before opportunity arose here.
Richard Tice's divorce and dating Isabel Oakeshott, a woman who currently resides in Dubai.
Zia Youssef himself appears to be a confirmed bachelor.
And I'm not saying that they are bad people for these states of affairs, but what it does is creates a distance between their revealed preferences and their stated beliefs.
And then we have to ask, well, whose community?
Whose country?
If we can't define what a British person actually is, how do we know which country is theirs?
And beyond these inconsistencies, though, there is also the way that reformers run and the strangely dark and exclusionary culture that surrounds it.
Farage himself is actually well known for running his parties like something of a tyrant, conducting political hit jobs against those he feels threaten his place as the leader.
This has led to reform being filled with people who plot, who connive, who backstab, as we have seen many times and is apparently still happening now.
They end up looking like dishonest quizlings, men without honour, who seek to use dirty tricks to ruin one another because they haven't done the honest work required to actually build something that can last.
This is a pattern of behaviour that Farage has exhibited since the early days of UKIP and has a trail of victims, the most recent of which was Rupert Lowe.
To refresh your memory, Rupert was smeared by Reform as having dementia, accused of threatening to kill Zia Youssef, and they made false allegations about workplace bullying against him because Rupert wanted to deport child rapists and their associates.
Farage recently admitted that this political position was simply too far to the right for him.
And so instead of simply removing the whip, Reform filed a false allegation to the police.
But you see, you know, when he stood up and said that we've got to consider the mass deportation of entire communities, including those born in the United Kingdom, that just moves way beyond a point of reasonableness, of decency, of morality.
And that was the moment at which, you know, I realised we just had to get rid of him and get rid of him as quickly as we could.
And I think in terms of the way we dealt with that, we were probably more brutal than the other parties.
But you know what?
That's the way it's going to be.
As Dan recently put it on the podcast.
He's just admitted, they made all that up.
It was because he wanted to deport the rapists.
And he said at the end there, we were probably a little bit more brutal about it.
Let's just define brutal.
What he did is he made up a criminal allegation against Rupert Lowe, which had it have landed, Rupert Lowe would be in jail today.
Rupert Lowe was investigated by the police.
had the police come around in the middle of the night and seize his property and he just made it all up to get rid of him in order to protect and I'll ask you I'll ask this question to the audience right if If Nigel Farage is willing to get one of his own MPs, one of his own friends put in jail in order to protect the gang rapists, what's he going to do to you if you want to get rid of the gang rapists?
Moreover, after Farage banishes someone to the political netherworld, he seems to be quite pleased with himself and can't help but go on TV to gloat about it.
I'm sorry, but I find his actions and attitude completely objectionable.
Well, that was the real champagne moment of the day.
I mean, it was a good day, but Haben Habib announcing his not worth us really was the absolute icing on the cake.
Why I Won't Vote Reform UK00:03:52
And institutional darkness has dogged reform for the last year, too.
There are numerous rumours of draconian behaviour from within reform's headquarters towards their local branches.
Many of these branches have either quit or just defected to restore Britain.
And it has become apparent that Farage, Tice and Zia did not want help from anyone else, poured scorn on them, castigated them, dropped them the second they became even mildly inconvenient.
These are not the actions of leaders.
They're the actions of a strangely unwholesome cabal at the top of Nivery Tower who seek to exert complete control over their own base and activists, who they seem to view as mindless automatons.
And I suppose the question is, well, why would we want to vote for reform, given how blatantly unwelcome they have made us seem, and how profoundly weak, cowardly, and villainous Farage and his cronies have revealed themselves to be.
Dark powers are operating in their party and they know it.
So just to be clear, this is why I personally won't be voting for Reform UK.
I understand that if you do, and you agree with the critique that I'm laying out here, but you feel it's the only option we've got, I understand.
But I'm personally not going to do that.
I don't want this.
I don't want more of the same.
I don't want the Fell for It Again Awards.
I don't want the further destruction of my country, whether it's packaged in a red rosette, a blue rosette, or a teal rosette.
I think the problem itself is the Blairite system and the axioms that underpin it, and it has to be overthrown.
And Reform UK don't think this.
And I realize that what I am suggesting is a very big undertaking.
And I can understand why patriots might look at the scope of it and bulk.
It is completely understandable why you might look at the magnitude of what we must do to actually fix the country and lose your nerve.
You might well think that the work is too great for you, the uphill struggle too demanding, the sacrifices you may have to make too painful, and there will doubtless be a great deal of pain, suffering and sacrifice before we can expel the entrenched Blairite system that is currently ruining us.
And so it would be easy to think, well, perhaps we can just rest on our laurels with Farage and reform.
Yes, reform might well be a narcotic for the right, designed to simmer us down and accept the slow continuation, the slow decline of the country.
But perhaps if we just ignore these problems and let them have their time, maybe things will get better on their own.
Well, I don't think they will.
And while that might be sufficient for you, I'm afraid it isn't for me.
I was never happy about turning a blind eye to all of this, but like you, I didn't think we had any other choice.
But now finally, there is a credible and substantive party of the right in Britain that is actually promising a break from the Blairite consensus that brought us to this dilapidated place they call the UK.
And I'm sorry, I just I can't pass that up.
We've probably only got a small window of opportunity to actually get this off the ground and make it work, and so we have to do that.
That's what I'm going to be working towards.
I want to restore the Britain that I grew up in, and I want it to be there for my children.