May 9, 2019 - Sargon of Akkad - Carl Benjamin
08:33
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| Time | Text |
|---|---|
| What would you say to people to describe your stance on something like immigration? | |
| In your own words, how would you describe yourself? | |
| Yeah, I mean, the migrant crisis isn't immigration. | |
| The migrant crisis was hypothetically a refugee crisis. | |
| But only about 30% of the refugees actually came from Syria. | |
| The rest came from other regions like Algeria or Morocco, where there isn't any kind of war going on. | |
| But these people were described by the European Union as, quote, economic migrants, which means they were freeloaders. | |
| They were trying to just get on the bandwagon because they were Muslims and spoke Arabic. | |
| How are you going to know that you're talking to a Moroccan instead of a Syrian if you're some sort of border guard in Poland or Hungary or something? | |
| You don't know. | |
| You know, if you're a German customs, how are you going to know? | |
| You know, these people often come without passports. | |
| You know, they just expect the sort of charity of Europe. | |
| And they got it. | |
| You know, they absolutely got it. | |
| But that's not the same as immigration. | |
| I mean, like, obviously, people who are actually fleeing a war, yeah, they should be helped. | |
| Of course they should. | |
| You know, people from Syria fleeing ISIS, yes, they should be helped. | |
| And there are already conventions and procedures on how to do that. | |
| The economic migrants who are just trying their luck, no, they should be sent home because they're not trying to migrate legitimately. | |
| So they are actually illegal immigrants. | |
| They should just be sent home. | |
| But when it comes to like the government policy on immigration, in my country, we have a problem with mass immigration. | |
| It doesn't really matter where the people are coming from. | |
| What matters is the number in which they're coming. | |
| 300,000 a year over the last probably 10, 15 years has increased Britain's population by something like seven or eight million people in a few years. | |
| And that's 60 million people, or 58 million people, or whatever it was before it started. | |
| That's a lot. | |
| And we've got quite a lot of public services. | |
| We've got social service for the elderly. | |
| We've got it for unemployed people, housing from the government. | |
| We've got the National Health Service, of course, and various other things. | |
| And then it's not just that that's becoming honestly a burden because people, hundreds of thousands of people a year who have not paid into those systems are now coming and using them at the free-to-use point of service. | |
| And so that's just a burden on the taxpayers of the United Kingdom. | |
| But also it's the sort of like the infrastructure itself, like housing is becoming more expensive because of greater demand, but the building is not keeping up with it. | |
| Obviously, the number of jobs that are available, there are always more people unemployed than there are jobs to be filled. | |
| Or there were. | |
| Brexit's changed this somewhat, in fact. | |
| And there are actually some really good stories about this, because after the Brexit vote, a bunch of European, Eastern European immigrants decided, okay, well, we're just going to go back to whatever Eastern European country we came from. | |
| And suddenly, wages start rising and there are more jobs available, obviously. | |
| Because really, like, unskilled mass immigration is a form of class warfare. | |
| It's a way for the super rich, the business-owning class of society to get as much work done, get their labor costs down as cheaply as possible. | |
| Because, I mean, you know, when you're running like an assembly line or whatever it is, you don't care where the person comes from. | |
| You don't care what they think. | |
| And you're not interested in offering them a ladder up and out into like various other sort of peace opportunities. | |
| For you, they're just a unit on a conveyor belt putting bananas into a box or whatever, you know, like I've done myself. | |
| So I'm not against the idea of immigration. | |
| I'm against the scale of the immigration that we have coming in at the moment. | |
| I'd like to get that down to like 50,000 a year or something like that, something more manageable than 300,000. | |
| Because I think it's really quite irresponsible. | |
| And I mean, you know, these people are also needed in their home countries to help build up their countries. | |
| If their countries are like third or second world countries, and all of the sort of energetic, motivated people just move to another country to make money there, then the home country suffers. | |
| And this is, I've got a friend in Romania who, he says, you know, that all of the young people of Romania just leave the country, leaving the country just generally aging, and without, you know, the sort of like, the sort of youthful energy you would expect to start making the country a more vibrant and exciting place. | |
| So it seems like a way of keeping those countries down as well. | |
| And then when you think, okay, so we're keeping our own working classes down. | |
| We're keeping those countries down. | |
| And it's the international business elite who are really profiting from this. | |
| And of course, the virtue signaling politicians and leftists on social media who get to somehow suggest that open borders is a moral perspective. | |
| I don't think it is. | |
| I think it's actually quite immoral what's being done here. | |
| I think that we should really reconsider it. | |
| Would you mind speaking about that issue as well? | |
| Because I'm someone who's come out against open borders, mass immigration, actually a lot. | |
| I've tried to tone it down recently because for a while it was like every video. | |
| But what would you say to those people who say that it is a moral imperative that the West has to take in these people who come from backgrounds that are more economically impoverished than what we have here? | |
| Like, do you think that it is some sort of moral responsibility for Westerners to allow these people into our country? | |
| And if not, then how do you suggest that they ever become more developed? | |
| Because I think that's what a lot of people who are for these open border policies, that's sort of what's motivating it. | |
| They feel like they're an awful person unless they want to let them all in. | |
| Yeah, I mean, I don't agree that there's any moral imperative to let anyone into any country anywhere, apart from refugees, people who are actually legitimately fleeing a war. | |
| And like I said before, there's already a procedure for that. | |
| No, no one has a right to go into your country. | |
| If anyone ever, if foreigners enter another country, and this is how I view myself when I go to other countries, I'm there as a guest. | |
| And if I were to move there, I would consider that a great honor and I'd be very grateful to the country that I went to. | |
| But what they're asking for is just not possible. | |
| I mean, in all of the West, if you add up every Western country, there's probably about 900 million people, which means that there are more people in India alone than there are in the entire West. | |
| We just can't manage that kind of number. | |
| I mean, if you look at sort of Southeast Asia, you've got India, the sort of, I don't know how you'd call it, the Oceania sort of area, and then China, you're looking at over half the world's population, and that's not a very big geographic area. | |
| And then you've got another billion people in Africa, however many 800 million are something in South America. | |
| It's totally unfeasible for us to think that we can house the rest of the world in our countries. | |
| And once you say, well, we're going to have open borders, then what you've done is specifically removed any kind of limiting principle upon which you would operate to stop people from further coming in. | |
| Because, I mean, once you've taken in 500 million people, why not take on another 500 million? | |
| What reason do you have? | |
| And then we have to then ask, okay, well, how are we going to sustain the social services we have? | |
| Well, we can't. | |
| This is what Milton Friedman was saying. | |
| You can have a welfare state or you can have open borders, but one will destroy the other. | |
| You can't possibly expect to give out free welfare to the entire world. | |
| Your taxpayers won't be able to bear that burden. | |
| And so to say, oh, we should let everyone in, well, it's just a pipe dream. | |
| It can't happen without ruining ourselves. | |
| And I think if we ruin ourselves, we can't do any good in the world. | |
| And I think there is a lot of good that the West does. | |
| I mean, we can see that capitalism is, the rising tide is actually lifting all boats. | |
| You can look at the number of people who have fallen out of extreme poverty worldwide, and it's just plummeting. | |
| You know, the number of people in extreme poverty is just drastically reduced. | |
| The West is making the world richer by just being wealthy and buying things from them. | |
| And that's a fine business model in which to actually save the world. | |
| If we are actually considering that we have responsibility to other countries in the world, which I'm not saying that we do, but if we think that we do, then, okay, well, it is incumbent on us to have strong, healthy Western democracies that are wealthy and exporting and importing at a great deal, at a great rate, in order to make the world a better place. | |
| Because it is making the world a better place. | |
| Simply opening our borders and allowing everyone to come in and make life difficult in our own countries, that's not going to help fix the world. |
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