Speaker | Time | Text |
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This is what you're fighting for. | ||
unidentified
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I mean, every day you're out there. | |
What they're doing is blowing people off. | ||
If you continue to look the other way and shut up, then the oppressors, the authoritarians, get total control and total power. | ||
Because this is just like in Arizona. | ||
This is just like in Georgia. | ||
It's another element that backs them into a quarter and shows their lies and misrepresentations. | ||
unidentified
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This is why this audience is going to have to get engaged. | |
As we've told you, this is the fight. | ||
unidentified
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All this nonsense, all this spin, they can't handle the truth. | |
War Room. Battleground. | ||
Here's your host, Stephen K. Bannon. | ||
It is Friday, October 4th in the year of our Lord, 2020-2024. | ||
I'm Mike Davis, the Viceroy, standing in for Stephen K. Bannon, who Biden and Kamala have in the clink during the election season. | ||
We have a great show today. | ||
We have three of my friends who are heavily involved in election integrity and this fight. | ||
For President Trump, we have Steve Kenney, who is a senior litigation counsel at the Republican National Committee, who is going to give us a detailed update on what the RNC, the Trump RNC, is doing on election integrity. | ||
Then we have Mark Lucas from my Article 3 project, who will give us a quick update on what the War Room Posse can do for action, action, action. | ||
And then we have All-Star Attorney and my friend Jeff Clark, who's going to come on in the second half of the show and talk about what Jack Smith is up to and what the Trump 47 Justice Department needs to do to clean house and to restore justice. | ||
But let's start with my friend Steve Kenney. | ||
Welcome to the War Room, Steve. | ||
Thank you, Mike. Yeah, so let's talk about Steve Kenny, just to introduce you to the war room. | ||
Steve Kenny went to Harvard Law School, and I went to Iowa Law, so of course I needed Steve Kenny's brain, so I hired Steve Kenny to come work on the Senate Judiciary Committee when I was Then-Chairman Chuck Grassley's chief counsel for nominations. | ||
And I would tell Steve Kenney that I want to break a bunch of stuff in the Senate. | ||
I want to break every piece of China in the Senate and confirm all Trump's judges. | ||
And you need to come up with a way to make it look rational and sane and that we're following precedent. | ||
And Steve Kenney had to put lipstick on a pig every day. | ||
And he was the secret weapon behind then-Chairman Chuck Grassley's wildly successful two-year | ||
run of confirming President Trump's judges. | ||
So thank you for that, Steve. | ||
You're now at the RNC. | ||
You're playing a pivotal role there. | ||
On election integrity. | ||
So let's talk about that. | ||
There's a lot of concern. | ||
I get a lot of questions whether the RNC is doing enough. | ||
And I think that this discussion today is going to reassure the war room posse that President Trump and his RNC chairman Michael Watley and his legal team, led by you and others, that we're on top of this. | ||
So let's talk about that. Tell us what your thoughts are on the overall national stage on election integrity. | ||
unidentified
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Yeah, so thanks, Mike. | |
So the RNC is currently in the middle of its most active litigation docket of any cycle in history. | ||
We have been involved in 126 cases across 26 states this election cycle alone. | ||
Our cases typically fall in one of two buckets. | ||
We're either intervening in cases to defend election integrity laws that Are on the books and under attack by left-wing litigants, or we're filing lawsuits ourselves against state officials for violating election laws. | ||
On the defensive side, the RNC plays an extremely important role in a lot of cases, especially when Democratic officials, which happens often for political reasons, refuse to defend the election integrity laws that are on the books. | ||
So it falls to the RNC as an intervener to go in there and defend the law. | ||
But we've also made it a priority in this cycle, and this is in large part because of the leadership of President Trump and Chairman Whatley, to be more proactive in our litigation. | ||
So we've challenged election officials to We're good to go. | ||
Let's talk about the various states. | ||
We have seven swing states, and we'll go through each one of these. | ||
Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, North Carolina, Georgia, Arizona, Nevada. | ||
What are we doing in Pennsylvania? | ||
unidentified
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So in Pennsylvania, obviously a critical state this cycle. | |
Litigation in Pennsylvania in recent years has centered in large part on what's called the dated ballot requirement. | ||
Absentee voters are required to sign and date their ballot envelopes. | ||
Over 99% of voters comply with this basic requirement, but the left has just been relentless in challenging it. | ||
And unfortunately, Pennsylvania officials have refused to defend it, so this is the type of case that the RNC and Pennsylvania GOP have taken responsibility for defending. | ||
So we've successfully defended it three times so far. | ||
In the Pennsylvania Supreme Court in 2020, after certain counties were just disregarding the requirement and counting undated ballots, Pennsylvania Supreme Court said that the election code is a mandatory provision and you can't count those ballots. | ||
Earlier this year, we had a major win in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. | ||
And an extremely important case. | ||
So the left has brought a lot of challenges to absentee voting rules around the country in just the last few years, based on a law called the Materiality Provision of the Civil Rights Act. | ||
So we argued, and a panel of the Third Circuit—and it's kind of crazy—it was an all-democratic panel, liberal judges, agreed with us that the materiality provision just has no application whatsoever to ballot casting rules. | ||
It only applies at the voter registration phase of the process. | ||
So this is a huge win, not just for the dated ballot requirement in Pennsylvania, but it sets important precedent around the country where a lot of challenges are based on that same law. | ||
Steve, why is it important for these ballots to be dated and signed properly? | ||
Why is that important? What does that do? | ||
unidentified
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Well, like a lot of activities in daily life, you're required to sign and date things, and voting is just as important as any other activity. | |
But it's also true that the date requirement has in the past uncovered instances of voter fraud. | ||
For example, a ballot was received from a deceased voter and law enforcement officials investigated and they were able to get the evidence because the ballot was dated and Great. | ||
Let's, what do you have left? | ||
Did you have anything more on Pennsylvania before we turn to Michigan? | ||
unidentified
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Just that we also won on this issue for a third time in the Pennsylvania Supreme Court a couple of weeks ago, | |
vacated a Commonwealth Court decision that struck it down under the Pennsylvania Constitution. | ||
So that's the third win that we had, but because that's, the issue is still alive | ||
because that was a jurisdictional decision. | ||
So we are now currently defending the law again, this time in a court decision coming out of Philadelphia. | ||
and then again in the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. | ||
So I expect that issue is still unresolved, but we're hoping to continue our win streak. | ||
And Pennsylvania, as everyone knows, is the key state. | ||
If Trump wins that state, he wins the White House. | ||
unidentified
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What's going on in Michigan? Yeah, so we have a lot of proactive litigation in Michigan. | |
Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson is one of the most activist election officials in the country. | ||
She's openly flouting the law to achieve her policy preferences. | ||
So unsurprisingly, we've sued and won three times against her just this year. | ||
Our first win came earlier this year when we discovered that Secretary Benson was issuing Secret instructions to municipal clerks. | ||
So not public guidance, but secret instructions through a communications portal that said that you have to presume the validity of absentee ballot signatures before approving them to be counted. | ||
The problem was she issued public guidance on that with those same instructions a few years ago and that was struck down. | ||
And she turned around and then decided to try to do it secretly and hopefully not get discovered. | ||
But when we discovered it, we went to court. | ||
The judge agreed with us that these instructions to the presumption of validity violates the Michigan Constitution, which requires a neutral verification of these signatures, comparing them to the signature on the voter file, without putting the thumb on the scale of approving the signature. | ||
That's a huge win. | ||
And what do you have in Wisconsin? | ||
unidentified
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So Wisconsin is... | |
A pretty tough state these days from a litigation perspective in light of the new liberal majority on the state Supreme Court. | ||
But despite that, we've achieved some marquee wins. | ||
We've successfully challenged a Wisconsin Election Commission policy that allowed voters to essentially submit their absentee ballot, then go to the election clerk's office, Retrieve it, spoil it, and vote again. | ||
So essentially just re-voting, which obviously an in-person voter couldn't do. | ||
Court said nothing in Wisconsin election law allows this and struck down that policy, so that policy will not be in effect for this November. | ||
But we also have wins against specific municipalities. | ||
The city of Appleton, for example, was refusing to hire Republican special voting deputies, which are people who go to nursing homes and residential care facilities to administer elections there. | ||
The city agreed to settle with us, so that sets some important precedent that cities can't be doing that going forward this election cycle. | ||
We also had wins against the city of Milwaukee and the city of Green Bay to ensure enhanced access for poll watchers during the early voting process. | ||
And we're currently in litigation against the city of Racine regarding its failure to hire Republican poll workers in violation of the state's partisan parity requirement for hiring poll workers. | ||
What do we have in North Carolina? | ||
A lot. So they have a Democratic majority state board of elections, and so we've filed numerous lawsuits against them in just the past few months. | ||
We got a major win last week. | ||
The board had approved an application by some individuals to allow the University of North Carolina's digital student identification card To be a valid form of voter ID. We sued. | ||
Our argument was that state law clearly requires a physical, tangible ID card and not just a file on a computer. | ||
And so the board acted outside the scope of its authority in terms of allowing those IDs, and the Court of Appeals last week issued a decision in joining the board, and so therefore college student digital ID cards will not be accepted in this election. | ||
But we also filed another major lawsuit just earlier this week regarding overseas voters. | ||
So a North Carolina statute purports to allow Thank you. | ||
Thank you. | ||
Thank you. | ||
The state constitution clearly requires that a person have resided in North Carolina in order to be eligible to vote. | ||
These overseas individuals are not covered by the federal UOCAVA statute, so there is no basis for allowing these folks to register to vote and cast ballots. | ||
So what we're asking the court to do is just prohibit that subset of overseas voters from counting ballots in North Carolina. | ||
What do we have in Georgia? | ||
unidentified
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Georgia's probably been our busiest state this election cycle. | |
We've got multiple lawsuits going on. | ||
Most of them are interventions that pertain to Senate Bill 202. | ||
Senate Bill 202 is an omnibus election integrity law that was passed. | ||
In 2021, after the problems with the 2020 election and meant to address a lot of those, nearly all of that law will be in effect for this November because we defeated numerous preliminary injunction motions, including ones to try to stop We're good to go. | ||
And we're currently in the middle of defending some really important regulations that were | ||
passed by the state election board over the last few months, including a new rule that | ||
allows election boards to conduct a reasonable inquiry into election results before actually | ||
certifying those results, which is pretty common sense in my view. | ||
Also defending Dropbox security protocols and a requirement to hand count ballots at | ||
the end of election day to make sure that they match up with the results that are being | ||
reported. | ||
And what is happening in Arizona, Steve? | ||
unidentified
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Thank you. | |
Arizona, we had some really important major wins this cycle, including at the U.S. Supreme Court. | ||
We successfully defended mandatory citizenship verification requirements that apply during voter registration and to conduct regular voter list maintenance activities. | ||
We successfully defended the new election day deadline for curing mail ballot errors as opposed to allowing all that to happen in the days after the election. | ||
And then although the district court in one of our cases struck down documentary proof of citizenship requirements to register to vote and participate in elections, we have appealed that. | ||
And we also sought stays pending appeals, so basically asking the court to allow Arizona to enforce those laws. | ||
While the appeal is pending, and the U.S. Supreme Court granted us that relief on one of the documentary proof of citizenship provisions. | ||
So Arizona is able to require documentary proof of citizenship with its state form registration applications or else the application is rejected. | ||
So we're continuing to defend these requirements. | ||
The appeals are in the Ninth Circuit right now, but I bet a lot of them will end up at the U.S. Supreme Court. | ||
Those are huge wins in Arizona. | ||
Let's talk about, finally, Nevada. | ||
unidentified
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What are we doing in Nevada? So, in Nevada, we filed what I think is a pretty landmark lawsuit on the issue of non-citizen voting, challenging the lack of citizenship verification procedures in the voter registration process. | |
So what we learned from evidence from 2020 litigation is that there were in 2020 more than 6,000 potential non-citizens on the voter rolls. | ||
That information was found by comparing records from the Department of Motor Vehicles, voters who used immigration documents to get a driver's license, and comparing them to the voter rolls. | ||
And there were more than 6,000 matches. | ||
And most troubling is that almost 4,000 of those individuals cast a ballot in the presidential election. | ||
Survey data suggests that at this time, there are approximately 10,000 noncitizens on the voter rolls that are at risk of casting a ballot. | ||
And this large number of noncitizens on the rolls is directly attributable to the fact that Nevada just doesn't have any citizenship verification built into the voter registration process. | ||
Other states that have them have much lower rates of noncitizen voter registration. | ||
And our view is that This is unconstitutional because by allowing noncitizens to cast ballots, you're diluting the votes of citizens and impinging on their right to vote. | ||
So we filed that case. | ||
And we also have a case challenging a state policy. | ||
That ignores a key requirement in state law. | ||
Ballots can be received after Election Day in Nevada, but they have to be postmarked on or before Election Day. | ||
There's a slight caveat that says if the date of the postmark cannot be determined, then it's presumed to have been postmarked on time. | ||
The problem is the Secretary of State and the large counties are interpreting that provision, that exception, to say you don't need a postmark at all. | ||
You can just, you know, no postmark, illegible postmark. | ||
We'll count that ballot anyway. | ||
So we filed a lawsuit. | ||
Our preliminary injunction motion was denied primarily on standing issues, but we've appealed that to the Nevada Supreme Court, and there is an oral argument next week in front of the full court. | ||
I think the bottom line is this to the war room posse, that President Trump Trump's RNC chairman, Michael Watley, and the litigation team at the RNC, led by Steve Kenney and others, they are on top of it this election cycle. | ||
We're not going to wait until after the election to bring legal challenges. | ||
They are doing legal challenges before the election, because if you wait until after the election, it is very, very hard to I appreciate your efforts. | ||
We may have you back on, Steve Kenny, to update us again before the election. | ||
Are you on social media? | ||
How does the War Room Posse find you? | ||
unidentified
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I'm on LinkedIn, but that's the extent of my social media. | |
Well, anyway, thank you very much, Steve Kenny, for coming on. | ||
And next up, we're going to bring on Mark Lucas from the Article 3 project, my right-hand man there. | ||
Mark, we have a few minutes here. | ||
Let's go through. | ||
You heard what Steve Kenny said. | ||
From the RNC on the seven target states along with the national scene with non-citizens voting. | ||
Let's go through the Article 3 Project action site, article3project.org, and then go to action. | ||
Walk through what the War Room Posse can do right now in key places with key officials to put key pressure right now. | ||
unidentified
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You bet. Like Stephen just said, the key tactic the left is going to employ in 2024 is non-citizen voting. | |
And we're seeing that in all the battleground states. | ||
In fact, Elon Musk had just retweeted last night about the influx of illegal migrants to all of these battleground states, some of them exceeding over 700%. | ||
For the authorized numbers in those states. | ||
So if you look at a3paction.com or you can go to article3project.org, our Action Center allows you to reach out to these elected officials and these county election officials who are responsible for ensuring that they check the voter rolls and that no non-citizens are on those rolls. | ||
So, for instance, Stephen Richer, who's in Maricopa County, he's a lame duck, washed up county recorder. | ||
He lost his primary battle. | ||
So he has nothing to lose between now and Election Day. | ||
And Maricopa County has been plagued with election problems since 2020. | ||
The law specifically requires every county recorder in Arizona to perform monthly list maintenance to confirm the citizenship status. | ||
You can conduct all those three actions in less than five minutes. | ||
We can also do the same in the background states that Steve had talked about earlier in Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Arizona. | ||
And what do we have, besides Arizona, what's another key action item in another swing state that the War Room Posse should be taking today? | ||
unidentified
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Wisconsin is a major concern. | |
The Secretary of Transportation Boardman is not sharing DOT data on citizenship with the state legislature and with the Wisconsin Election Commission. | ||
They've found that 90,000 non-residents have a driver's license or a state ID. And to put that in perspective, President Trump won 2016 by 27,000 votes. | ||
Joe Biden supposedly defeated President Trump by 20,000 votes. | ||
So that 90,000 number of citizens, non-citizens with driver's licenses, could play a major factor in the state of Wisconsin. | ||
In Pennsylvania, we're urging people to reach out to the governor, Josh Shapiro, and to also their secretary of the Commonwealth, Al Schmidt. | ||
To ensure that non-citizens aren't allowed to vote. | ||
It was recently reported in the state of Pennsylvania that at least 600,000 non-citizens have a state ID. So we see this same tactic being employed all across the country by the left. | ||
They do not want to verify citizenship on their voter rolls and we have a major threat of non-citizens voting in 2024. | ||
Yeah, I would say this to wrap this up because we're coming to an end of this segment, Mark. | ||
We know that non-citizens are registering to vote illegally. | ||
We saw that with 6,000 in Virginia that Virginia Governor Glenn Youngkin was able to identify on the Virginia rules. | ||
We know that non-citizens are illegally voting in past elections. | ||
We had Texas voting. Governor Greg Abbott found 2,000 non-citizen votes in prior elections. | ||
We know this is happening, and this is why Congress must pass the SAVE Act. | ||
That's another action item from the Article 3 project, because we're not going to allow non-citizens who Kamala imported into our country, over 20 million of them, we're not going to allow them to rig and steal our election. | ||
Mark, very quickly, how does the War Room Posse get you? | ||
unidentified
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Go to a3paction.com. | |
Take action. That will put you on our mailing list. | ||
And Mike, you and I send out action alerts on a weekly basis so the War Room Impossed can take action and contact these lawmakers and election officials. | ||
Well, thank you, Mark Lucas, from the Article III Project, for joining us and talking about action, action, action. | ||
We're going to go to a break here and after the break, we're going to have Jeff Clark | ||
talk about Jack Smith's persecution and what the Trump 47 Justice Department should do | ||
unidentified
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Promo code BANNON. All this nonsense, all this spin, they can't handle the truth. | |
War Room Battleground with Stephen K. Bannon. | ||
Welcome back to The War Room. | ||
I'm Mike Davis, the Viceroy, standing in the next man up for Stephen K. Bannon. | ||
We have all-star attorney and my friend Jeff Clark up next. | ||
We want to talk about a pretty surprising article that came out yesterday in New York Magazine, | ||
not exactly a maga paper, by Eliud Honig. | ||
And this article was a very damning indictment of Biden-Kamala special counsel, | ||
Jack Smith and DC Obama judge, Tanya Shutkin, for how they're handling the fallout | ||
of the Supreme Court's monumental six to three presidential immunity decision back in June, | ||
written by, authored by Chief Justice John Roberts, not exactly a Trump fan, no mega hats | ||
or no Trump signs in his yard in Chevy Chase, I can assure you. | ||
But let's bring in Jeff Clark to talk about this. | ||
Jeff, talk about what's in this article and give me your reaction. | ||
Sure, well, first actually, let me do a quick note about the fact that they changed the title of the article. | ||
Originally, it was Jack Smith's October surprise, and now it's Jack Smith's October cheap shot. | ||
I like both of them, but it's a little strange they changed it. | ||
One of your eagle-eyed followers actually spotted the change, Mike, for what that's worth. | ||
Look, this is a surprising article because Ely Honig is a former assistant U.S. attorney, and he's also a former state prosecutor, so he's got both state and federal experience. | ||
He's clearly a Democrat, and he's on CNN all the time in the past bashing Trump. | ||
But he comes out with this article and the heart of the article says that Jack Smith has abandoned all objectivity and he is just straight up violating rules, tossing aside these norms we always hear about inside the Justice Department that are embedded in this document called the Justice Manual, which is a giant living guidance document | ||
that resides now on the web because it's so big. | ||
And he calls it a Bible. | ||
And he says, you know, Jack Smith has shredded these things and that, you know, Judge Chetkin | ||
has basically rubber stamped what he's done. | ||
So, you know, this is very remarkable to see this, this, you know, former prosecutor, | ||
federal prosecutor and state prosecutor, essentially recognizing Judge, I'm sorry, | ||
recognizing Donald Trump's complaints about Jack Smith's conduct are truly warranted here. | ||
He is acting in a way, and I described this yesterday on War Room, in an unconstitutional fashion, in a fashion that's shredding the federal rules of criminal procedure. | ||
And he doesn't note specifically that the actions are unconstitutional, but there's a lot of overlap between what I said on War Room yesterday and his article. | ||
Because, you know, I spotted that, look, this violates President Trump's ability to confront the witnesses, and you confront them, especially by using the right of cross-examination. | ||
He calls out the fact that This 165-pager that dropped against President Trump a few days ago with Judge Chetkin's blessing, that that document can't be cross-examined, yet it's being dumped out in the final weeks of the election. | ||
Also, President Trump's due process rights are being violated. | ||
That goes to how the federal rules of criminal procedure here aren't being observed. | ||
As he notes, for centuries we've had a system where the government goes first and says, okay, we indict you or we put out a criminal information on you, and then you can move to dismiss that. | ||
Well, not so here. | ||
That's a right that President Trump can't be allowed to do, even though Jack Smith put out a superseding indictment as his first move after he got the remand back from the Supreme Court after the Supreme Court decision on July 1st. | ||
President Trump should get to move to dismiss that document under Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 12. | ||
But that right's been thrown out the window. | ||
Instead, there's going to be a combined response by Trump that will be his motion to dismiss the superseding indictment and his response to the 165-pager. | ||
He's going to get 180 pages for that to be filed on November 7th. | ||
Ilya Honig's article reads like a catalog of all of the constitutional and procedural errors and just the blatant political interference because there's no basis for throwing these rules aside other than to try to get Trump and blacken him up before the election. | ||
I think that what's happening is jury pool tampering, jury pool poisoning. | ||
It's the same as electoral pool tampering and poisoning, and both of them are happening here through what Jack Smith has been allowed to do, Mike. | ||
I would say that I'm surprised it is flabbergasting, but in this era of the Biden administration and the nightmare reign of Jack Smith, things that used to be surprising are no longer surprising. | ||
They're just run-of-the-mill outrages. | ||
Yeah, it is very obvious that We're good to go. | ||
You have information, you have evidence that Trump has not been able to put on to rebut this. This was a | ||
political drive-by shooting. This was another political assassination attempt of President Trump because | ||
they fear American voters on November 5th, and this is the most blatant | ||
election interference imaginable. | ||
And it's so bad that the New Yorker, the New York Magazine with Eli Hodig wrote this extraordinary piece that we just discussed. | ||
I mean, it's so shocking that he felt compelled to write this piece because it's just, it violates every notion of due process, every notion of fair play. | ||
It's just they are abandoning their legal duties, their ethical duties as a federal judge | ||
and a federal prosecutor. | ||
And it's really shameful. | ||
It's disgusting. | ||
But as you said, Jeff, it's not surprising given both of their track records. | ||
And let's talk about that. | ||
Let's talk about what the Trump 47 Justice Department needs to do starting on January 20th, 2025, | ||
to end this Republic ending lawfare and election interference that we've seen | ||
from the Biden Kamala Justice Department, Merrick Garland, Lisa Monaco, Jack Smith, | ||
Jay Brat with the DC US Attorney, going after January 6th supporters, | ||
persecuting them as the Supreme Court essentially held in the Fisher decision. | ||
These local prosecutors, Big Tish James in New York, Fannie Willis, Nathan Wade, you got wrapped up in that mess down in Fulton County, Georgia. | ||
Chris Mays out in Arizona. | ||
It's just a nonstop lawfare and election interference. | ||
It's obviously coordinated. | ||
What should the Trump 47 Justice Department do to end this and actually restore justice in this country? | ||
Sure, Mike. | ||
You know, that's something that could occupy, you know, a 10-hour program. | ||
But let me try to touch on some of the key components. | ||
Let me start first with the U.S. Attorney's Offices, because that relates to what's going on with Jack Smith, right, and the January Sixers. | ||
you know, all of the Biden U.S. attorneys need to be cleared out. | ||
And all of those offices essentially need to be carefully looked at, examined as to | ||
what they did, especially how they went after the January 6thers, you know, were any procedures | ||
that we don't know of publicly, but might have behind the scenes, you know, corners | ||
been cut, et cetera. | ||
That all needs to be looked at carefully. | ||
And Trump needs to carefully look at who those U.S. | ||
attorneys' offices are going to be run by. | ||
And personnel is going to be very important, both at Maine Justice and in the U.S. attorneys' | ||
We have to also end this whole notion that there are certain US Attorney's offices that are independent of | ||
Maine justice and independent of the president, right? So as I've described it before it's like a two-tier breakdown | ||
You don't just have the Justice Department thinking that it's independent of the president, which is unconstitutional | ||
It's a violation of Article 2 You have particular US Attorney's offices thinking that | ||
they're independent of the Attorney General in the line of the the president, right? | ||
You have people like Jeffrey Berman who was even the Trump US Attorney in the Southern District of New York and the | ||
people in the Southern District of New York really think that they're you know | ||
Somehow their own fiefdom All that needs to be cracked through. | ||
Anyone who's hired I mean, these are basic constitutional facts. | ||
But for a very long time, you know, these myths have been floating around about, you know, the U.S. Attorney's offices and they're somehow outside of all that. | ||
That needs to be changed. I think that we need FBI reform massively. | ||
We had the fact that they went after parents at school board meetings using the National Security Apparatus. | ||
The National Security Division at Main Justice was used on the DOJ itself, you know, side, | ||
and then also their equivalent inside the FBI. | ||
That all needs to be analyzed. | ||
Their analysis of public corruption needs to be audited so that we know how many Republicans | ||
versus Democrats that they've targeted. | ||
I believe that when you do that audit, you're going to find out that overwhelmingly these | ||
people are targeting Republicans and not Democrats. | ||
It's been highly politicized. | ||
The hiring has been highly politicized. | ||
The imbalance of how people are getting hired at the Justice Department is being thrown out of whack. | ||
You find out that there are 90% Democrats or more inside main justice. | ||
and I'm sure that's reached into the FBI. | ||
All that needs to be investigated. | ||
And the Justice Department's orientation needs to be changed such that it regards itself | ||
as the lawyers of the president in his official capacity. | ||
We're not talking about turning it into the RNC General Counsel. | ||
We're talking about the fact that if the president is doing something within the bounds of the law, | ||
it is for the Justice Department to carry that out and to provide the most creative | ||
and energetic legal assistance for that in the courts that are possible. | ||
And Mike, I can tell you from the Trump first term, there were many officials, even appointees of the president, | ||
who did not see it that way. | ||
They saw it as their goal essentially to do what they wanted | ||
and to resist the president in situations where they disagreed. | ||
And, you know, they should have been cleared out. | ||
But this time for the second term, and I'm very hopeful that President Trump will be reelected, we need to have the people who realize what their role is and that their role is not to be the principal. | ||
Their role is to be the agent. | ||
And as the Supreme Court said in the immunity decision we discussed, there is only one branch of government that is a single person. | ||
The president of the United States, and that is the executive branch. | ||
It is that one person, the president. | ||
It's not a diffused executive power. | ||
It is a unitary executive power, Mike. | ||
Yeah, and let's talk about this. | ||
Let's talk about what needs to happen. | ||
Let's get more granular at the FBI, at these U.S. attorneys' offices, at Maine Justice. | ||
I think that the new acting attorney general on day one needs to fire people on day one. | ||
They need to fire... Jack Smith, the special counsel. | ||
They need to fire Chris Wray, the FBI director. | ||
They need to make the top three layers of the FBI, the director, the deputy director, and the assistant director, including the assistant director in charge of each of the key field offices. | ||
Like the Southern District of New York and D.C., they need to reapply for their jobs. | ||
And so do these key U.S. attorney's offices like D.C., Southern District of New York, Eastern District of Virginia. | ||
The leadership of these offices need to reapply for these jobs. | ||
They need to stop these January 6th prosecutions immediately. | ||
And while they're reapplying for their jobs, maybe they need to be reassigned to To actual crime in this country, including migrant crime, including the southern border, including in D.C., for example, where carjackings, murders, robberies, and other violent crime are at near record highs, right? | ||
So that's where these U.S. attorneys should be focusing instead of chasing down every grandma who trespassed And took selfies on January 6th. | ||
So, and in Maine Justice, you have, as you know, Jeff, because you've been the Assistant Attorney General for two of the major divisions within the Justice Department, the Environmental Division and the Civil Division, you have extensive experience in the Justice Department. | ||
You have extensive experience litigating against the Justice Department when you were at a top law firm before the left tried to destroy you. | ||
These litigating divisions, you have these chiefs, you have these assistant chiefs, you have these career deputy assistant attorneys general. | ||
These leaders of these divisions all need to reapply for their jobs. | ||
President Trump and his attorney general and his leadership team at the Justice Department have the people they want in place to carry out the president's agenda because the American people elect the president. | ||
They don't elect Jack Smith or an assistant U.S. attorney in D.C. or an assistant director of the FBI. They elect the president of the United States. | ||
What are your thoughts on that? Mike, look, there's a statute that's very clear in 28 U.S.C. that says that the Attorney General can designate U.S. attorneys right off the bat and that he can also designate who will be assistant U.S. attorneys. | ||
So it's possible to get control of this apparatus very quickly if someone is in the chair who has the willpower and the intestinal fortitude to do that. | ||
We also can transfer people to, as you said, work on actual crimes. | ||
We're dealing with a crisis of human trafficking at the border. | ||
We're dealing with a fentanyl crisis. | ||
And instead of focusing on those matters, we're dealing with having the top prosecutors finding the next most marginal January 6th defendant, as you pointed out. | ||
That's a misallocation of resources. | ||
Whoever is running the Justice Department on January 20th at 12.01 p.m. | ||
needs to immediately freeze those prosecutions while they're looked at. | ||
There's a pardon office inside the Justice Department. | ||
They need to begin looking at people who've been abused in the system and had the book thrown at them immediately. | ||
For very minor offenses that were selective prosecution as compared to the fact that Antifa and BLM were let off scot-free for past violent episodes, not just sort of isolated episodes. | ||
We also need to look, and President Trump has said that he wants to do that, at Schedule F again, which was part of the end of the Trump administration but didn't get finalized as a rule. | ||
Under that rule, virtually every lawyer at the Justice Department who has power to write a brief We're good to go. | ||
Somebody at the post office who's like selling you stamps and deciding how much postage you need, right? | ||
You know, the Justice Department lawyers are operating at a far higher level than that, and there should be much greater latitude, and there would be under Schedule F, for the president to clear those people out. | ||
And, you know, we can put people in holding patterns while we look at their records, etc., and, you know, put in people to run the department from day one who are going to try to advance the president's agenda and restore, you know, neutrality at the Justice Department. | ||
I think when I talk about the Justice Department not being independent, That's always spun into an idea of, oh, you want it to be President Trump's personal arm of vindiction. | ||
Like, no, that's not what the argument is. | ||
The argument is that at the moment, the Justice Department is weaponized and biased against Republicans, conservatives, MAGA, President Trump. | ||
We need to end that. | ||
We need to observe equal protection. | ||
But we're not entirely neutral in the sense of the president's agenda is And it's advancement. | ||
That is the objective of the Justice Department as part of the executive branch, Mike. | ||
Amen. So, Jeff Clark, we're running out of time here. | ||
How do people find you online? | ||
What are your coordinates? So my coordinates are JeffClarkUS on X and Getter and at RealJeffClark on Truth Social. | ||
And you can follow my work and the work especially of my colleague Mark Paoletta on the Center's website, which is americarenewing.com. | ||
Thank you, Jeff Clark, for joining us, and thank you to the War Room Posse for watching another episode of The War Room. | ||
I am Mike Davis, the viceroy, the next man up, standing in for Stephen K. Bannon, | ||
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