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May 3, 1995 - Bill Cooper
57:58
Dr. Gene Shroeder #3
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W. W. C. R. Nashville, Tennessee.
USA. Worldwide Christian Radio. Worldwide Christian
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I'm Pete Lesper.
Tonight, folks, our guest will be Dr. Gene Schroeder.
and we'll be back with him after this short music break.
Thank you.
Yeah, Pete.
How are you doing tonight?
Well, doing pretty good.
Pretty good, Pete.
I hear that I'm going to get to be the host of the program tonight.
Yeah, it's going to be quite a night.
Well, that's good.
So, all the listeners to the Bill Cooper program tonight, you're going to get to hear him first.
This is Dr. Gene Schroeder, and for the first time, I'm going to be hosting a program, not as a guest, but as a host.
So, this is going to be the first, so bear with me, and we'll try to make this thing as enjoyable and as entertaining and at least as educational as what Bill would have done if he would have been on the air himself.
Okay, so Pete, with that in mind, I think I want to talk to the listeners tonight a little bit about the history of some of the things we've talked about on Bill's show before.
And basically what I want to talk about is the War Powers of Government.
Realizing that this country went into the War Powers for the last time on March the 9th of 1933.
And in fact, I'll just read a little bit of the introduction of Senate Report 93549.
And it says, the majority of the people of the United States have lived all their lives under emergency rule.
It says, for 40 years, reasons and governmental procedures guaranteed by the Constitution have, in varying degrees, been abridged by law but in deforce by states of national emergency.
It says in the United States, actions taken by the government in times of great crises have, from at least the Civil War, in important ways shaped this present phenomenon of a permanent state of national emergency.
This same report goes on to say that this vast range of powers, taken together, confers enough authority to rule this country without reference to normal constitutional processes.
It says, under these powers delegated to these statutes, the president may seize property, organize and control the means of production, seize commodities, assign military forces abroad,
institute martial law, seize and control all transportation institute martial law, seize and control all transportation and communications, regulate the operation of private enterprise, restrict travel, and in a plethora of particular ways control the lives of all American citizens.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, what I just read right there was read from the government's own documents.
This is Senate Report 93549.
The report that they were speaking of here began on March the 9th of 1933 when this country was placed under a state of declared national emergency by the United States Congress.
And in order to do that, this country amended an act of October the 6th, 1917 called the Trading with the Enemy Act.
And upon the amending of that act, the American people and all their financial transactions were made the same as enemy transactions.
And under this act, the President of the United States was given total authoritarian control over everything and all the transactions that we, the American people, conduct.
It's critically important that we understand that, but it's also as much critically important that we go back and understand the history of where that Trading with the Enemy Act came from.
The Trading with the Enemy Act of October 6, 1917 actually had its originations in an act of 1776.
That act was called the Alien and Sedition Acts.
And in just a few moments, I'm going to read to you just a little bit of some of the writings of Thomas Jefferson when he wrote the Kentucky Resolutions that was dealing specifically with this act as it was implemented for the first time in this country.
But let me give a little more of the history of the Alien and Sedition Acts.
In the Revolutionary War, when the colonies fought against Great Britain, and we finally won that war, that after the war was over, the British still claimed that we owed a lot of debts to the British.
And as a result of that, one of our secretaries of state, under President Adams, went to England and signed a treaty with Great Britain, saying that we would pay reparations of war to the British.
This was Secretary of State Jay that went to Great Britain.
Also realized that during that war, the French had helped the colonies in their fight against Great Britain.
But because of the fact that we signed a treaty of reparations with Great Britain called the Jay Treaty, that when the French became aware of this, they were very unhappy.
And as a result of this, it looked as though the French and the British were going to go to war.
Now realized in the very beginning of this country that there were actually a separation of the peoples in this country and their political beliefs.
The northern part of the country were called the Federalists.
They were the manufacturing and the industrial financial sector of the north.
And this group remained pretty much allied to Great Britain, even though we fought a revolutionary war against them.
But the Southerners, the Jefferson Bunch, and the Southern peoples were allied more closely with France.
And because of this, it began to create a dilemma.
Adams was a Federalist, and because Jay had went over and signed this declaration, or this treaty, with Great Britain, agreeing that we would pay the reparations of war, it caused animosity between France and Great Britain, and also caused animosity between the North and the South.
But because of the fact that the Federalists, the Northerners, had political control of the Congress at the time, Once it looked like France and Great Britain were going to go to war, that our Congress passed what we'd call the Alien and Sedition Acts.
And what these acts said, amongst other things, was that the French were enemies of the United States.
And that any Frenchman that was doing business within the United States was an enemy, and that the President would have total control over those transactions.
You also went so far as to say that anybody who gave aid and support to a Frenchman was also an enemy of the United States.
So you see, because of this Alien and Sedition Acts, that many of the Southerners were made the same as enemies of the United States and were placed under the executive war powers that was happening under this pretense of war between France and Great Britain.
So you see that early on in this country, in fact, immediately, almost, upon the signing of the Constitution, we had this, these failed acts that were essentially called the Trading with the Enemy Acts.
And that these acts said anybody that was allied with an enemy, or in any way could become identified with an enemy, that the President of the War Powers had total authoritarian control over these peoples.
And that he could write criminal, criminal statutes.
It was because of it that we almost went to Civil War almost immediately after the Constitution was signed.
in any case whatsoever, they could be punished criminally under these acts.
It was because of it that we almost went to civil war almost immediately after the Constitution was signed.
And with that in mind, I want to read a little bit to the listeners here tonight, so that you can understand a little bit better.
And I'm going to read the Kentucky Resolutions.
They were written in November of 1798.
These were written by Thomas Jefferson himself.
So let me read just a little bit from these resolutions, and I think it will help to understand some of the things we're talking about here.
This says, resolved, that the several states composing the United States of America,
...are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government, but that, by a compact under the style and title of a constitution for the United States and the amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes, delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving each state to itself the residuary mass of right to their own self-government.
And that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force.
That to this compact each state is seated as a state, and is an internal party, its co-states forming as to itself the other party.
That the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, Since that would have made its discretion and not the Constitution the measure of its powers, but that is in all other cases of combat among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well as in fractions, as of the mode and the measure of redress.
Then resolve number two, that the Constitution for the United States
Having delegated to Congress a power to punish treason, a power to punish counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States, the power to punish policies and felonies committed on the high seas, and the powers to punish offenses against the laws of nations, and no other crimes whatsoever, and it being true of the general principle
And one of the amendments to the Constitution, having also declared that the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.
And therefore, the Act of Congress passed on the 14th day of July of 1798, entitled an Act for the Punishment of Certain Crimes Against the United States, and also an Act to Punish Frauds Committed on the Bank of the United States, and also an Act to Punish Frauds Committed on the Bank of the United States, and all other Acts of which assume to create, define, and punish crimes, other than those so enumerated in the Constitution, are altogether
And that the power to create, define, and punish such other crimes is reserved and of right that pertains solely and exclusively to the respective states, each within its own territory.
Okay.
Now let's go back and analyze just a little bit of what those Kentucky Resolutions said.
that the historical basis.
Hello, Gene.
Gene, are you there?
Yes, my phone got cut off there for just a moment.
Hmm.
Okay, Peter, are we still on?
Yeah.
Okay, well I'm back again.
Okay.
Now let's start over.
Okay, the Kentucky Resolutions were written by the state of Kentucky.
They were written actually by Thomas Jefferson, but the state of Kentucky approved these resolutions.
And basically they were written because the federal government had passed these Alien and Sedition Acts.
And they defined crimes against the United States.
Federal crimes that were being punished and implemented by the executive branch of the federal government.
And these crimes that have been identified and proclaimed by the federal government were not the four crimes that were identified in Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution.
Because you see in Article I, Section 8, every criminal power that was given to the federal government is defined there in Article I, Section 8.
And the 10th Amendment said that the powers not delegated to the federal government by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states or to the people respectively.
So this is what Jefferson and the state of Kentucky was talking about when they wrote these resolutions.
They said that the federal government only has four criminal powers.
And those are, one, the power to punish treason.
Two, counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.
Three, policies and felonies committed on the high seas.
And four, offenses against the laws of nations.
And they have no other criminal power whatsoever under the Constitution.
And so therefore, when they implemented these other crimes, like the crimes that would make it a crime to give aid to a Frenchman, or a crime to trade with a Frenchman, or a crime to create license on how we were going to conduct this kind of trade, or crimes that would define frauds against the National Bank of the United States, or on and on at that time, these criminal acts,
Jefferson and the state of Kentucky in these resolutions, and remember Jefferson was one of the ones, or was the one that wrote the Bill of Rights.
And he wrote these resolutions saying that under no conditions, even during times of pretended war, could the United States assume criminal jurisdiction powers that were not given it by the Constitution.
And that any criminal power that they attempted to take, Other than those specifically given in the Constitution were totally outside the scope of the Constitution and therefore were utterly null and void and could have no effect.
And many went on and said that as in any contract or compact between powers under the Laws of Nations, That each party has the right, because of the fact that there's no other higher power to be a judge of what's right or what's wrong, that each party has the right to judge for itself what the Constitution says or what it doesn't say.
And he went ahead and said that certainly the federal government could not be the one to make a judgment on whether or not the acts were constitutional, because he said that if That if the federal government could make the judgment, then it would be purely at its discretion, and that the Constitution would have no limiting effect.
Because if that were the case, the federal government could do whatever it wanted to do, and then set its own judge, and say, we have every authority to do it.
Now, as we all know, that begins to sound very similar to what it is we're dealing with today.
And in fact, it is absolutely the case.
That if we see any federal criminal statute that makes it a federal crime to do anything that is not, number one, treason, it's not counterfeiting the securities or card coins of the United States, it's not dealing with piracies and felonies committed over high seas, or offenses against the laws of nations, then this is a federal crime that is being instituted under the Trading with the Enemy Act.
As amended on March the 9th of 1933.
Now that's critically important for all of us, and all of our listeners, to understand that.
We'll say it one more time, that there are only four crimes that are identified as federal crimes in the Constitution.
Those being the four that we just read.
And that any federal crime that is outside the scope of those four crimes are totally outside the authority of the Constitution and are being implemented under the Trading with the Enemy Act of March the 9th of 1933.
Now to carry that just a little bit better, and I think we'll use some examples here so that hopefully it will help all of us to understand this just a little bit better.
In order to do that, I'm going to go now to May the 18th of 1934.
And remember that on March the 9th of 1933, the federal government declared a national emergency.
And in that declaration of national emergency, there at 48 Statute 1 on March 9th of 1933, the Trading with the Enemy Act was amended.
So that this act did not just apply to transactions of enemies within the United States, but now it applied to all transactions of all people within the United States.
And under that authority, the President was given the power to issue any executive order that he wished.
And those executive orders would be automatically approved and confirmed by the Congress of the United States.
In fact, that law is now permanently codified at Title 12, U.S.C.
Section 95B.
But under these authorities, this executive power, this broad executive power to wage war, was given to the President.
And on May the 18th of 1934, the President of the United States issues a message to the Senate on the menace of the uncontrolled manufacture of arms and ammunitions.
And in this message, I'm reading from Roosevelt's papers, that Roosevelt writes to the Senate of the United States saying that we have to have a power to create crimes against certain acts.
federal or certain acts, and including in these are certain acts of firearms, machine guns, shot-off shotguns, and so on and so forth.
I'll read about those in just a little bit.
But also on May the 18th of 1934, in Roosevelt's papers, he also makes this statement on signing a bill to help the federal government wage war on crime and gangsters.
So, on May the 18th of 1934, under the executive power of the War Powers, the President declared war on crime.
And it was under this war on crime that I will read some of the federal statutes that now came in and began to come into the states identifying this new list of federal crimes.
And I'll just read some of these.
Number one is an amendment to the federal kidnapping statute to provide for the death penalty in the event of the injury of the victim.
So here we see a federal statute making kidnapping a federal crime.
Next is not punishing the transmission of extortion threats in any form of interstate communication.
Now we see a criminal statute, a federal criminal statute, making it a federal crime for the transmission of extortion threats.
Act 3 is a statute making it a federal offense for a person to flee from one state to another to void prosecution of certain felonies.
So here we see the federal crimes now of fleeing from one state to another or crossing a state line.
A statute punishing the transportation and receipt of stolen goods.
So that any person who is convicted or has stolen goods and crosses a state line, that's now a federal crime.
An act punishing robbery of national banks is now a federal crime.
That was the same one that the Kentucky Resolutions were written about, or one of the crimes that were written about during 1798 under the Avian Incident Act.
But now listen closely.
A statute requiring registration of all machine guns and sawed-off shotguns and rifles.
Here we see that it's now a federal crime.
If we do not register machine guns and sawed-off shotguns.
Now, let me say this to all the listeners.
If we go to Ruby Ridge, we see that that incident occurred because of an alleged sawed-off shotgun that was a quarter-inch, supposedly too short, to meet or to fall under the federal regulations and the federal criminal statutes.
Also, if we go to Waco, We see that in the beginning those people were being investigated and charged because they had allegedly had some machine gun parts or machine guns that were there that were not registered.
You see that both of those federal crimes originated from the war crime under the War Powers of 1933 and were implemented in May of 1934.
Also, a statute and an act making it a federal office to assault a federal officer.
Make this a federal crime now.
An act authorizing agents of the Department of Justice to carry firearms.
So here we see the federal criminal police power coming now within the states.
All under the war on crime.
An act authorizing agents of the Department of Justice to carry firearms.
An act to protect certain types of trade and commerce against intimidation and racketeering.
Various statutes for improving the outworn and archaic federal criminal procedures.
So here we've seen the statutes that begin to be passed to allow for the federal jurisdiction, the federal criminal jurisdiction to come within the states.
But also very important is a statute granting congressional consent to any two or more states to enter into agreements or compacts for the prevention of crime.
Now let me read that one again.
It's a statute granting congressional consent to any two or more states to enter into agreements or compacts for the prevention of crime.
Now this whole thing, this whole war crime, this whole federal criminal jurisdiction is critically important under the war powers.
Because you see that many of the people across the country realize that the people and the states are being treated as if they were Regions or territories of the federal government.
It's almost as though they were corporations of the District of Columbia.
Or they were the same as the District of Columbia because the federal government can simply write statutes or criminal statutes or hold people to crimes for almost any reason now.
Whether it be for violation of a Clean Air Act, or violation of an Environmental Protection Act, or violation of OSHA, or we could go on and on with it.
Now of criminal, various criminal statutes, federal criminal statutes, that are being used to restrict the people of this country within the states.
And we know that under the Constitution, just as Jefferson said in the Kentucky Resolutions, there are only four federal criminal things that the federal government can do.
Those we talked about earlier.
But yet we see now under the war powers and the war crimes beginning of a list to define many, many federal crimes and making it now possible for the federal agents to carry the firearms and act as a federal police power to enforce these criminal statutes.
So, it's now important to understand the interstate compact agreements and the interstate compact acts.
If we go to those acts, we have to go to June the 6th of 1934.
And we also have to go to our Constitution at Article I, Section 10.
Now, Article I, Section 10 of our Constitution is That no state, this is the prohibition against the states.
And I don't have a copy of the Constitution right here in front of me, but I'm pretty close to exactly what it says word for word.
Just a minute, let me get a copy of this Constitution out and I'll just read it word for word so we don't misquote anything.
Now let me look.
Gene?
Yes?
Could we do that after the break?
Yeah, no, we're not ready for a break.
Sure are.
Okay, let's do the break and then we'll come back and we'll take a look at these interstate compacts and how they're spraying all tires together.
Okay.
Very good.
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Thanks a lot.
Okay, let's proceed on just a little bit more, speaking about now the war powers, the war on crime, and the federal criminal jurisdiction that comes into this country, and how they use, and what the government uses as a pretense to bring it in.
Let's go to Article 1, Section 10 of our Constitution.
This is the prohibitions against the states, and it says that no state shall Enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation.
And it goes on and says, no state shall make anything but gold or silver coin a tender in payment of debts.
We all know that, obviously, that is not in effect today.
But let's read on.
It says, no state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty or tenants, keep troops or ships of war in times of peace.
Obviously, that's not in effect because we have troops all over the country.
But it also says no state shall, without the consent of Congress, enter into any agreement or combat with another state.
Unless actually invaded, we're in such imminent danger as we'll not admit of delay.
So again we see under our Constitution the exceptionary cause that would come into effect if we were in fact actually invaded or we were in such imminent danger as would not admit of delay.
Now, we also got to realize that on March the 4th of 1933, when President Roosevelt was inaugurated President of the United States, in his inaugural address, he said he would ask for the war powers that would be given to him that would be just as great as if we were, in fact, invaded he said he would ask for the war powers that would be given to
And in fact, on March the 9th of 1933, at 48 Statute 1, Carl was delegated to the President those powers under that Trading with the Enemy Act, or what were previously called the Alien and Sedition Acts.
But here we see that if we're actually invaded, and with the consent of Congress, states can now enter into compacts with other states. - Yes.
If we go back now to this war on crime, and we see one of the federal statutes that was granted to do this was the authority from Congress for states to enter into compacts for the prevention of crime and for other purposes.
As a result, the states begin to enter into interstate compacts, all under the authority of the federal government.
So you see that once the states entered into compacts with other states, in the beginning for the prevention of crime, and then ultimately to do anything and everything, down to including the Uniform Motor Vehicle Safety Codes, to the interstate compacts on environment, water, river, basin compacts, on and on, that now completely permeates the entire federal and state governments.
But anyway, once the states entered into compacts with other states, they were now no longer individual sovereign states.
They were now regions made up of compacts of states under the federal statutes.
They were, in essence, federal corporations.
And once they entered into the interstate federal corporation status, Then, immediately, the federal criminal statutes came over those states, and the federal police power came within the states, doing exactly the same thing that had happened in 1798, when those Alien Institution Acts were imposed by the federal government, and all those criminal statutes were passed over the states at that same point in time, exactly the same condition.
The reason that this is so critically important is because it is these very issues that caused, in this country, the Revolutionary War.
It was this same very issue that caused the Civil War.
It was this same very issue that was used in the War of 1933, which imposed this war-powered government over us, and exists over us today.
And if we cannot resolve these problems, ultimately, These are the kind of issues that cause revolutions and they cause wars.
And so that is why it's so critically important that we understand these critical concepts as to how this federal government operates and what specifically that we the American people must do to begin to overcome that.
So before we take some calls, I want to say one other thing.
That is, Jefferson stated so vividly in the Kentucky Results.
There he says that the measure of its power, that as in all other cases of compact among powers, having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well as of infractions, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well as of infractions, as of the
So you see that under the law of nations, that each party has the right to judge for itself what the right and wrong of the situation is.
With that in mind, the people of this United States have petitioned the states to begin to answer these questions and to begin to try to restore the Constitution of the United States.
So far, the states have not done anything significant in terms of answering these questions.
The people of this United States have time and time again petitioned the Congress.
They have petitioned the President.
They have petitioned the courts to answer these questions and to redirect the grievances that we have over this form of government that's over us.
But so far, none of those institutions have done anything to even publicly come forward to attempt to answer the questions and redirect the grievances.
So with that in mind, there is only one party left that can now make the judgment.
And that is we the people ourselves.
There are other institutions of government at this point who are dysfunctional.
They are not answering the questions and they are not attempting to resolve the crisis that we have.
So with that in mind, the people of this United States have called a National Common Law Grand Jury.
This Common Law Grand Jury It's going to set in Wichita, Kansas on June the 3rd and the 4th.
It will convene at 8 o'clock on the 3rd, 8 o'clock in the morning.
And we are asking the people from all over the nation, from all states, to come to this common law grand jury because all of these evidences, some of which we've talked about a little bit here tonight, are going to be presented to this common law grand jury.
And it is our hope that with the hard evidence and the hard facts, which we think are conclusive, that the common law grand jury is going to agree that, yes, we do have gross usurpations under these four powers, under this Trading with the Enemy Act, and that the federal government has taken and assumed powers that were not delegated to it by the Constitution.
And as a result, we the people are going, we hope, to issue a decimatory judgment that this form of government in this country is unlawful and outside the authority of the Constitution.
If we can get that verdict from the people, then we think we can take that verdict from the common law grand jury and we can go to any congressman, either state or federal, or we can go to the president of the United States or the government or the governor of any state, Or even to the courts, whether they be state or federal.
And we can lay these findings of facts and the conclusions of law in front of these public servants.
And say, you are operating outside the authorities of the Constitution.
The people have spoken.
And we think that this criminal law grand jury, if we can get the verdict, We can take us a long ways in the beginning of a first step to begin to restore legitimate constitutional government in this country.
We think it's a critical endeavor and certainly we're asking everyone, all the listeners out there tonight, that if there's any possible way that anyone can come or help support someone else to come, please come to this common law grand jury.
And now, with that in mind, I want to read the complaint that was served upon Bill Clinton and Janet Reno.
And then after that, maybe we can take some call-ins and we'll take a few questions.
But let me read the complaint.
It says, The people in and for the United States of America, X-Rail, hereby declare that there has been gross use of patience over a national constitution and bill of rights.
Under pretense of a continuing crisis of war and emergency conditions that have existed since the Civil War and continue to exist in times of peace to the present time.
Senate Report 93549 says that since March the 9th of 1933, the United States has been in a state of declared national emergency.
Title 12, U.S.C.
Section 95B says that every order issued by the President since March the 4th of 1933, or any order issued in the future, is automatically approved and confirmed.
These powers being conferred under the authority of the Act of October the 6th, 1917, as amended, March the 9th of 1933, are strictly a war power, as decided at Storr v. Wallace, United States Supreme Court.
That this vast range of powers taken together confers enough authority to rule this country without reference to the normal constitutional process.
Wherefore, the people in and for the United States of America hereby demand that the President Bill Clinton and the Attorney General Janet Reno show cause within 60 days why these unlawful powers being perpetrated against the American people should not be terminated.
Innovations fail to show cause that our court, with original jurisdiction, is to issue a declaratory judgment in favor of the American people, and any and all remedy it finds proper against the above named defendants.
Dated this day of April, 1995.
This was served upon Bill Clinton and Janet Reno, is now being published in the Washington Times, so that all public servants can read this demand.
It's with that background and with that premise in mind that we have called for the Common Law Grand Jury.
The courts of last resort, and of no other court in this nation, whether they be state courts or federal courts, have been willing to hear the evidence and the facts.
We are now going to try this in the courts of public opinion in front of the National Grand Jury of the American people.
If we can get the finding of the facts and the law that we think we're going to get, we think it'll be a critical first step in beginning to bring all of these issues to light and beginning to work towards the resolution and the restoration of the Constitution of this United States.
So with that in mind, if we have anyone who would like to call in, please call in.
We'll take some calls and try to answer any questions.
Uh, Gene, we won't be able to take call-ins.
Okay, so there'll be no call-ins tonight.
So, uh, okay, how much longer do we have, Pete?
Uh, we got 15 minutes.
Okay.
Well, with that in mind, I covered basically everything that I was kind of wanting to cover here tonight, but, uh, uh, let's just go ahead and we'll talk about, uh, anything or whatever, Pete, if you've got anything you want to talk about.
I think you pretty much covered everything.
Well, you know, we could go on and we could talk more about the Alien Expedition Acts, and I think it's always important, you know, with all of us, go back and look a little bit at history, because I think by understanding some of the things that happened in history, we can so much better understand some of the things that are happening today.
And if we go back to these Kentucky Resolutions again, where this thing is, where Roosevelt or Jefferson talked about this so explicitly, that the only federal criminal jurisdiction that exists are these four powers.
The powers to punish treason.
The powers to punish the counterfeiting of the securities of the United States.
The powers to punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas.
And the power to punish small offenses against all other nations.
And those are the only four criminal jurisdictions that can exist in this country.
But yet, we see today, we see Congress and the President issuing executive orders, and let's just take a look at some of those.
And I haven't made a list, but let's just break.
Number one, we know that if we fail to find It's called a Willful Failure to File.
Where in the Constitution do we find any federal criminal power to punish Willful Failure to File?
It does not exist, does it?
The only place this Willful Failure to File exists is at Section 2 of 48 Statute 1 of March 9, 1933.
Let me just read this.
48 statute 1, section 2, subsection B. It says that subsection B of section 5 of the act of October the 6th, 1917 is amended, issued by amended to read as follows.
And it says that during times of war or during any other period of national emergency declared by the president, That the President may through any agency that he may designate or otherwise investigate, regulate, or prohibit under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe by means of license or otherwise.
Any transactions in foreign exchange transfers the credit between or payments by banking institutions as defined by the President and the export, hoarding, melting or earmarking of gold or silver coin or bullion or currency by any person within the United States or any place subject to the jurisdiction thereof.
So here it says that the President has total authoritarian power over any transaction that any person within this United States makes.
But then it goes on and says that the President may require any person engaged in any transaction referred to in this subdivision to furnish under oath complete information relative thereto, including the production of any books of account, contracts, letters, or other papers in connection therewith in the custody or control of such person, either before or after such transaction is completed.
And whoever willfully violates any of the provisions of this subdivision, or of any license, order, rule, or regulation issued thereunder, shall upon conviction be fined not more than $10,000, nor be imprisoned for more than 10 years.
So here you see one criminal statute, willful failure to file.
Certainly not under the Constitution, explicitly forbidden by the Constitution, But being implemented at 48 Statute 1, March the 9th of 1933, under the Trading with the Enemy Act, that being only one, we then we could go to May the 18th and we could look at all the federal criminal statutes that we read about earlier, including Restoration of Guns, Sawed-Off Shotguns,
Uh, federal kidnapping statutes, federal, uh, federal statutes against the national banks, uh, and we can go on and on down that list, including the statute for the states to enter into the interstate compacts, therefore obliterating the individual states and the sovereignty of the states and forming these states into, into corporations of the federal government.
That's federal corporations under the Act of June the 6th of 1934.
That's 501c3 corporations.
So then, you know, we can see those federal criminal statutes coming in.
Then we can take them forward on into this state where we see now then you can be charged with a federal crime for not having a, let's say a CDL, a federal driver's license if you try to drive a truck down the road.
We see federal crimes concerning Maybe trying to build a pond on streams.
Or a federal crime for digging in a wetland or trying to cover up an area that might be considered a wetland.
Or we can even see federal crimes if you go out and plant too much wheat on your land.
And we've seen those cases happen several years ago and still happen to this day.
That the federal government has now permeated the entire social and economic agenda of this country.
There are no such things as, according to the federal government, under this type of government, as individual sovereign states.
And certainly no such thing as individual sovereign citizens.
Again, according to our government, under this Trading with the Enemy Act, under this war that was declared on March the 9th of 1933.
the night of 1933.
So therefore, it's very critically important that the people and the listeners of this radio program here of Bills understand some of these fundamental concepts.
And I hope that tonight that we've talked pretty technically, I guess, about some of this information, and maybe even somewhat academically.
And it may be a little bit difficult for a lot of the listeners to follow and comprehend some of the things we were talking about here.
But it's really important, and let me put in a little bit of a plug for myself.
We have written a book over this subject.
We've tried to write it real simple and yet used the government documentation to prove the case and simply show what the government had to say.
That book is entitled Constitution Fact or Fiction.
And if anyone would like a copy of that book, I'll give you an 800 number that you can call.
It's 1-800-610-4908.
I'll give that number one more time.
1-800-610-4908.
I'll give that number one more time.
It's 1-800-610-4908.
And also I want to put in a plug for Bill.
Bill couldn't be on the program tonight and I hope that all of his listeners have been able to bear with us tonight because certainly I'm not the host that Bill is.
Certainly probably not near as entertaining also.
But also I know that Bill has worked hard and I know that Bill has a newspaper that he's now publishing.
Pete, would you like to say something about the newspaper?
We will be going to press this Friday, and we will be getting those sent out, and we're burning midnight oil to get this paper out for you guys.
Okay, uh, if you got an address for anyone that would like to subscribe to where they can call in or subscribe to the newspaper bill, repeat.
I sure do.
Well, we'll go ahead and give them that.
The address for Veritas is P.O.
3390 St. John's Arizona 85936 the address once again is to Veritas PO Box 3390 St. John's Arizona 85936
and if you have any questions or comments you can call them at 520-337-2878 and Dr. Gene Schroeder I want to thank you for being a guest on the Hour of the Time It's been a great pleasure.
It's certainly been my pleasure.
Let me give one other phone number if anyone would like to contact us personally to discuss any of these issues or to discuss the Commonwealth Grand Jury that's been called for Wichita.
Let me give a phone number that they could also call and an address they could write to if they would like.
Uh, the phone number would be for the American Agricultural Movement.
That phone number is 719-787-9958.
I'll repeat it one more time.
719-787-9958.
I'll repeat it one more time.
719-787-9958.
Also, if they would like to write, and then we can try to answer, and always do try to answer all of our letters, they can write to the American Agriculture Movement, That's just A-A-M, Box 130, Tampa, C-A-M-P-O, Colorado, 81029.
I'll repeat that one more time.
AAMPO, Colorado, 81029.
I'll repeat that one more time.
It's AAM, Box 130, Campo, Colorado, 81029.
So if anyone would like to contact us personally to discuss any of these issues, show them if I can call that phone number or write to that address.
Okay, well that should wrap this show up for tonight.
Okay, Pete.
Well, I've certainly enjoyed it.
I hope we haven't been too boring to all the listeners.
This is our first to sit here and try to host the program.
We've been a guest on many programs, but certainly the first time we've ever done a program of this nature.
So I hope it's been enjoyable, and I hope our listeners have all got a little more insight into some of the things that we're studying and some of the things we need to understand as we try to begin to approach the resolution of the crisis we have in this country and the restoration of our and I hope our listeners have all got a little more insight into some So with that in mind, I'll say good night and good luck to all the listeners.
Thank you very much.
Thank you once again.
Thank you, Pete.
Good night, and God bless you all, folks.
Thank you.
Why, today, they want to hear from you.
Write CAJI, C-A-J-I, Box 1420, Xolo, that's spelled S-H-O-W-L-O-W, Arizona 85901.
S-H-O-W-L-O
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