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Feb. 28, 1995 - Bill Cooper
56:04
Dr. Gene Schroeder #2
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Time Text
- Light power of the power.
And this mutant animal had been starving.
Once upon a time, he couldn't move.
He couldn't walk.
He couldn't see.
He couldn't talk.
the the Ladies and gentlemen, you're listening to the Hour of the Time.
Good evening once again, ladies and gentlemen.
You're listening to the Hour of the Time.
I'm William Cooper.
The newspaper looks beautiful.
I've got to tell you, folks, if it wasn't for Mike and Bart and Sharon who have come to help me with this, I wouldn't be able to do half the things that I'm doing around here now.
We're all working all the time.
Nobody's taking any time off late into the evening.
But it's a lot of fun, and I think you're going to be very pleased with the outcome.
If you'd like to subscribe to Veritas, our newspaper, and it is a newspaper, ladies and gentlemen.
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That's PO Box 3390, St.
John's, AZ 85936.
0, St. John's, Arizona, 85936.
That's PO Box 3390, St. John's, Arizona, 85936.
So, get your subscription in.
Also, the Forever Free America Rally that was scheduled for March 11, 1995 in San Bernardino has been rescheduled.
I don't know what caused this.
They say due to technical difficulties beyond their control.
And they've rescheduled it to April 22, 1995.
That's April 22, 1995.
22nd 1995 that's April the 22nd 1995 that's the forever free America rally that was scheduled in It's not scheduled anymore for March 11th.
It was going to be on March 11th.
It is now rescheduled for April the 22nd, 1995.
Let me see here.
If you'd like to call for information, call 602-205-2386.
call 602-205-2386.
That's 602-205-2386.
Now, I was going to tell you tonight when we were going to have another seminar here, and this has really put the wrench in it because we were going to reschedule, have a seminar at about that time, and I've already committed to go and speak at this event.
So, I've got to clear this up, folks, and I'll try to do that tomorrow and let you know tomorrow night when we're going to have our seminar here and how much it will cost and all that kind of good stuff.
I think, oh, there's one other thing.
The Constitution Party is in dire need of the services of some legal mind who has experience with political parties and elections and things like that.
So, if you are one of those type of people and you would like to volunteer to help us out with some pretty important organizing things and questions that we don't know how to solve, please contact me.
Sometimes tomorrow afternoon at 602-337-2562.
That's 602-337-2562.
602-337-2562.
That's 602-337-2562.
Now, if you don't know anything about these things, please don't call.
Because we don't know, and we can't teach you, and we haven't got time for anybody to learn.
We need advice now.
So please, if you are a legal mind or a legal person or a lawyer or anybody like that who understands the political party process, elections and funds and all that kind of stuff, please give me a call tomorrow at 602-337-2562. please give me a call tomorrow at 602-337-2562.
Also, write me a letter, William Cooper, PO Box 3390, St. John's, Arizona, 85936, and tell me whether or not you will commit to a mark on Washington in September.
We need to know and we need to know now.
If we don't get a big response, we're going to just drop it right where it stands.
Okay, folks, tonight we have again as our guest Dr. Gene Schroeder.
Those of you who were listening last night got an earful, and a lot of this information is going to be in the first issue of the newspaper, and a lot of things that Dr. Schroeder didn't discuss that we have researched here.
And, folks, we never have time to go fully into everything that we want to go into in one hour, ever.
It's just impossible.
He's back tonight to talk about some good things that have happened and may happen down the line.
Sorry we won't be able to take your calls, but pay close attention.
Also, what we're going to be talking about is good, fun stuff, so upbeat tonight.
Yeah.
Dr. Gene Schroeder.
Dancing across the floor.
Dr. Gene Schroeder Dancing across the floor Constructing in his hand I'm a woman, I'm a woman I'm a woman, I'm a woman I should have been a DJ.
I would have had more fun.
Some of the topics we talk about on here aren't too much fun.
Dr. Schroeder, welcome to the Hour of the Time.
Bill, again, it's my pleasure.
Ha, ha, ha.
We've got to have a little fun sometime.
It seems like we always need that, don't we, Bill?
We sure do.
What have you been up to that we're going to talk about tonight?
Well, what we're going to talk about, what I thought we might talk about, is the courts.
We're sitting here in Las Vegas, and we just was here to offer testimony into a case, an IRS case, and as in many cases, the The attempt so far has been highly unsuccessful.
Well, I can tell something didn't go right today because I can hear it in your voice.
Well, yeah, and it's nothing that we didn't anticipate or didn't expect, but again, with the evidences that were going to be presented, they were going to be irrefutable, that the government could not win this case.
So as a result, what happened was that they simply dismissed the case without allowing any evidence to go in.
And that's a typical response.
So that's what I want to talk a little bit about tonight, is set a little bit of the foundation as to what kind of courts it is we're dealing with and then what we're thinking that we're ultimately going to have to do and talk about some of the things we have planned.
So let's take that.
Bear with me just a minute.
Okay.
Let's go back and do just a little brief review.
Let's go back to the current law of today, the one we talked about last night.
Alright, let's go back to Title 1295B, Title 12 USC, United States Code.
This is the current law.
Let's read this thing again.
It says, the actions, regulations, rules, license orders, and proclamations heretofore or hereafter taken, permitted later issued by the President of the United States or the Secretary of the Treasury, since March 4, 1933, pursuant to this authority that was conferred by subsection pursuant to this authority that was conferred by subsection B of Section 5 of the War Power Act, October 6, 1917, is amended, are hereby approved and confirmed.
Now, again, what does that say?
It says that the President or the Secretary of the Treasury can issue any order that they want to.
Hertofore, that means in the past or hereafter taken, in the future.
And they are automatically approved and confirmed under the War Power of Government, aren't they?
This says that the President can do anything he wants to do.
And that's the current law of today.
Well, it literally gives him dictatorial powers which have not ended right up to the present.
Now, let's go a little bit further.
And let's see some of the things that this dictatorial power, this executive power, carried into.
Let's go to March the 2nd of 1934.
This is out of Roosevelt's papers.
And here he is saying that his request, that this is his request for authority to consummate reciprocal trade agreements for the revival of foreign trade.
Let me read the first paragraph of his papers.
He says, I am requesting the Congress to authorize the Executive to enter into Executive commercial agreements with foreign nations.
Now you see, under our Constitution, it says that the President shall have the power to make treaties by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, providing two-thirds of the Senators present concur.
Well, we see here that the President is asking for an executive power to enter into agreements.
It's purely an executive function.
And of course, needless to say, on June the 12th, under the war powers, Congress confers that authority upon him.
He still has those powers today.
Example.
A couple weeks ago, Mexico decided they needed, I think, $40 billion.
to bail out the banks because they were going to default on some loans.
And the peso as a result of that was dropping dramatically.
Congress said, well, really we don't have $40 billion to give to Mexico, so we don't think we can do it.
But we've seen Commander in Chief Bill Clinton say, well, not a problem.
I can certainly do this on my own executive power.
So he issued an executive order to go ahead and give the $40 billion to Mexico, didn't he?
Okay.
So we see that under these agreements... I'm sitting here shaking my head.
Right.
Yes, I understand.
But now we see here that we just read from on... Let me look at the date of that again.
Not that it's critical, but there in 1934, on March the 2nd, he requested this executive authority, and on June the 12th, he got it.
At that point, the president purely has an executive power was then able to enter into GATT agreements of all types and majors, which he did.
There were literally hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of them that he interviewed.
People think GATT is new.
GATT is not new, and I've said that over and over and over again.
It goes all the way back to actually before then.
Yes, and absolutely culminating, beginning on March 9th at 33 and the specific act coming on June 12th called the International Trade Agreements Act.
Right.
Requesting upon our President that authority.
But the point of it is that we see that this is purely an executive function.
Okay?
Yes.
So consequently, all of these agreements that have now resulted in the international statutes and the international laws, which controls almost everything we do.
And if we look at those hundreds of executive agreements, we'll see how they affect our everyday lives.
from the OSHAs to the EPAs to the, right down to the Motor Vehicle Safety Codes, to the Social Securities, the Old Lake Fidges, and on and on, where these agreements were made with the foreign nations and then implemented in this where these agreements were made with the foreign nations and then implemented in this That's right.
Okay.
This being strictly, and again, an executive function.
Right.
So consequently, if the courts are going to hear matters of this nature, what kind of courts must they be?
Has to be an admiralty court.
They have to be executive courts, don't they?
Right.
They have to be the admiralty courts.
And if we go back into the history of the admiralty courts, where do we find that court coming from?
It came from the king's bench, or from the king's courts, didn't it?
One of the courts of Westminster.
Right.
And those courts were strictly the king's courts.
They were in total contradistinction from the common law.
The courts of the common law that were the law of the land during the peacetime.
These were the courts and the laws of the sea, purely under the power of the king.
So, when we went into this war power, or under this war government back in 1933, as a result, we've seen the courts change, we've seen the law change.
And we know if we look at the Memorandum of Laws that govern that Act of October 6, 1917, that that was the international law, the law of nations, that came upon us.
That is government by the king's courts.
That's the courts of admiralty.
So as a result, the courts that we have today are not the courts of the common law.
The common law at the federal level was abolished in 1938 at Erie Railroad v. Compkins, Supreme Court case.
And the common law over the states was abolished the same time when this admiralty jurisdiction was conferred.
That's right.
That's how to deal with the prize.
Right.
So now it becomes a very real and practical question.
which was no more than the extension of that wartime admiralty jurisdiction across the land.
That's right.
That's how to deal with the prize.
Right.
So now it becomes a very real and practical question.
Can we go into their courts, the executive courts, and expect to win?
Not theoretically. - Absolutely.
Obviously, we're going to have major difficulties here, aren't we?
Yes.
Those are the things we run into on a daily basis.
With that in mind, we then begin to say, well, how is it possible that we could reform the people's court, the common law courts of the country?
That is when we begin to do some of the things back almost two years ago.
And under the rules of necessity, remember the rules of necessity are the rules of war.
No other options available.
Then one has the right to do whatever becomes necessary.
Realizing that that is the same rules that the government used over us when they placed their war powers on us in the first place.
We go back to the Declaration of Independence when our forefathers declared the independence from Great Britain.
In the first sentence, we said, whenever in the course of human events it becomes necessary.
The rule of necessity.
That's the rule of the war.
The same thing that our Congress told us there on March the 9th of 1933 at 48 Stat.
1, in the enabling portion of that Act, when they said that the Congress hereby declares that a serious emergency exists.
And that it is imperatively necessary speedily to put into effect remedies of uniform national application, again under the rules of necessity.
So we said, we the people also have the absolute right to declare the rules of necessity.
Because of the fact that we have not had a court for 61 years in this country, that now operating under the rules of necessity, we must reform our courts.
We must, we must Take our court back and put it back into position.
With those concepts in mind, beginning about two years ago, a group of people from different parts of the country published the formation of the one Supreme Court under our Constitution.
They published that court for six months in the Oklahoma City newspaper, telling the government that If you have any objections, respond.
That notice ran for six months in that newspaper.
There was no response and no objections from any officials of any type.
Following that, the Supreme Court, the one Supreme Court, met for the first time in Kingfisher, Oklahoma.
That was almost a year ago.
And we begin to work with that court to get rulings of facts and laws that pertain to all of these cases that could not be heard in the King's Court.
From that point in time, this court has grown.
And it's now beginning to gain white acceptance, at least among many of the patron communities across the country.
Two weeks ago, when the court met in New York, Nebraska, they called for a national setting of the court and the grand jury.
Called the grand jury to set for June the 3rd and the 4th in Wichita, Kansas. which That court is now preparing to set.
We are preparing the notices for the government officials.
The President and the Secretary of the Treasury will both be notified.
We will also notify the Speaker of the House and the Senate.
We will also notify the Supreme Court.
These notices will notify the Senate and the House of Representatives to read this notice before the full houses of both bodies, so that everyone is notified.
And in the notice, we have said that probable cause exists to believe that the Constitution of this country has been effectively set aside under the war powers, and the people are going to hear the facts and the evidence as to whether or not this be true.
So that if any government official wants to come and defend their actions, to come to the grand jury and plead their case.
Certainly at the same time, we have said that the people are going to prosecute the case.
And we're going to present the evidence and the facts as to what has happened in this country.
And from that, we will ask this national grand jury to make a finding of the facts and the law as it pertains to this situation in the country.
That we intend to do in Wichita, Kansas on the 3rd and the 4th of June.
We are hoping that we will get a widespread turnout of people from all across the country to come and listen to the facts that will be presented at the case so that we can get a grand jury determination of this important issue once and for all.
If we can get a favorable verdict from that grand jury, and of course, maybe I'm biased, but I don't think so.
The facts and the evidence I think are conclusive.
And if we can get a favorable ruling out of that grand jury, then I think at least we've made a step in the right direction.
That we can go into any one of these executive courts that exist in this United States today, and that's all of them.
And place the finding of facts in the law that has been found by the people of this country in front of that court and say, here it is.
The issues have already been settled.
And in this country, during times of peace, the only law that can exist is the common law under our Constitution.
The courts that are operating, of course, are totally and blatantly violating those procedures.
The courts, as we see them today, are totally dysfunctional.
It is with that in mind that we have called this court in Wichita, and I think, at least, this is another step in the right direction.
Well, it sounds good, it sounds promising, but there are some questions that have to be asked, Gene, and maybe you can answer them.
Number one is, if this court sits, what authority does it have and what guarantee does anyone have that anyone outside of those holding the court will honor that authority?
Well, there's no guarantees.
Realizing that realistically, the court and the grand jury that will sit in Wichita has no police power.
That as of today, the only police power, the only military power that exists is that of the federal government to enforce.
Ah, but you're wrong.
Let me set that straight.
Okay?
The Constitution allows for, and tradition and the law of this nation says, that the militia, in times when the country is being invaded, or there has been an insurrection, or the laws of the Union are being infringed, that the militia shall repel invasion
Put down insurrection and enforce the laws of the Union.
And that is a fact.
In fact, that's the responsibility of the American people as a whole.
I highly appreciate that response because it's absolutely true.
That the only legitimate peace power that exists in this country, in the land, is the peace power that is set out in the voluntary militias for the states.
You see our Constitution in Article 1, Section 8 says, Congress shall have the power to provide and maintain a navy.
That's a standing military power for the federal government, isn't it?
And it's the only one allowed during peacetime.
Remember that that military power or that peace power stopped at the ebb and flow of the tide.
It stopped where that ship could not go, didn't it?
That's correct.
And once you stepped across the ebb and flow of the tide, then you stepped into what was called the body of the counties of the states.
Right.
And within the bodies of the counties, there was no federal military police power.
The police power that sat there was the power of the police power of the states.
And that was contained in the state militias.
Article 1, Section 8 also said that Congress shall have the power to raise and support an army, but no appropriations of funds shall be for a term greater than two years.
The only time the inman army could be raised was during a time of war, and it went on and said that the army should be raised from the state militias.
So consequently we see that there was no standing federal military power within the states.
That's correct.
So therefore, it is critically important that our militias across the states, the volunteer militias that are now beginning to form, realize and begin to understand the legitimate function of that state militia, and that the people all across the nation must realize that that's their duty.
Now, this is not a paid position.
It's not a position where they had to go and be on continuous call.
But every person was required to own firearms so that on a moment's notice, they could be called up into that body, into that state militia, to defend the states.
That was part of the separation of powers.
Therefore, it's critically important that our state militias continue to form so that in the future they can provide their legitimate function.
Once that body comes into formal fashion, where it has the support and everything that's needed, then we will begin to gain the peace power back to this court that is sitting in Wichita.
For instance, if the court were to find that the facts presented before it were, in fact, true, and that the insurrection had already taken place a long time ago, and that the nation was not functioning as a constitutional Republican government, If that court were to order the arrest of those who were guilty of treason, it would then be the job of the militia to carry out that order.
Yes, it would.
Realize that legitimate state militias must operate under the legitimate civilian authority, don't they?
That's correct.
So, as a first step, we felt like it was critically important that we begin to establish the legitimate common law body.
Number one, the grand jury and the court to start with, so that at least we were operating in a constitutional mode, in a constitutional fashion, whereby, number one, we can then commission from that body the legitimate militant relations that are forming.
At least that way, we continue down a lawful path.
That's right.
It is extremely important that everything that we do be legal, lawful, and constitutional.
Yes, it is.
And I know, Bill, you and I discussed that to some length over in Kansas City concerning the money.
That's right.
And it's so important that if we do things that we have to do it in a totally lawful and constitutional manner.
We keep all of our cards above the table.
So there is no chance that we can be labeled as anything but purely operating in a lawful manner.
That's correct.
It is our duty.
It is our obligation.
It is legal and lawful and constitutional to support the law of the land and the return of constitutional Republican government.
Anything other than that is not.
But when a long train of abusers pursuing invariably a design to place us under absolute despotism, then it's not only our right, but it's our duty to throw off that form of government and provide new guards for our future security.
That's correct.
But one word of caution, whenever we do that, then everything is up in the air and there's no guarantee for anybody and no safety for anybody until such a conflict is settled.
That's very true.
Education is a critical first step so that at least the people, the masses of people across our country understand what it is that's going on and why it is that we're doing the things that we're doing.
If they can't understand, then it's awfully hard for them to support, isn't it?
Well, it's not only hard for them to support, but given the degree of education and the amount of brainwashing that the average American experiences on a daily basis, it's amazing to me that anybody at all understands.
Well, and that's really true.
And again, that brings us back to our educational system.
And we see all the downfalls that we've went through in the past.
And those were our responsibilities.
No.
That was the responsibility of us, the parents.
And it should never be allowed for the government to educate our children.
That's true.
That's our number one and prime responsibility, and we're the ones who failed in that.
That's fair.
It wasn't government.
We should never have turned these children over to the government in the first place.
That's what they did in the communist countries.
Well, the truth is, and since we're dealing with the truth, and you and I like the truth an awful lot, and so do the listeners of this broadcast, the truth is that if we had Fulfilled our responsibilities and had been vigilant, as our forefathers had warned us to be, and had maintained our education of our children and the principles and ideals upon which this nation was founded, we wouldn't be in the situation we're in today.
So, really, if we want to get right down to it, whose fault is it if the proprietor of a store walks out the door and leaves the cash drawer open and doesn't come back for a week?
Absolutely correct.
Words of wisdom.
Don't go away, folks.
be our responsibilities and our liabilities.
Those have to be corrected.
If we do not correct the conditions that exist in this country and do not begin to take our rightful status and our station among mankind, then we can never hope or deserve to have anything but exactly what we're going to get.
Absolutely correct.
Words of wisdom.
Don't go away, folks.
We'll be right back after this short pause.
Thank you.
Love it.
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Thank you.
Come, come to me.
You've been on my mind.
Oh, thank God you're back and I've been late.
But I found a little trick.
I was wrong.
It took too long.
I got caught out of the ground.
Well, folks, I think the next seminar we have, we're going to have a dance.
We just got to do that.
To go home.
That's the best place.
That's the best place.
That's my life.
It's much better.
Folks, I think the next seminar we have, we're going to have a dance.
We just got to do that.
Gene, welcome back.
Okay, Bill.
One warning that as we begin to reform the police, as we begin to reform the common law court and the common law bodies of this country, one thing we've got to be very careful about is that probably that we don't move too quickly.
Because you see, if we do things that are not entirely appropriate, this could put ourselves into a position where the government could declare a full-blown emergency again.
And they could bring The real military troops, not the ones that are dressed in the suits and ties that we see today, but the full-blown military troops inland again and places under martial law.
So we also have to be very careful in how we begin to approach this endeavor.
From this pulpit, so to speak.
I appreciate that Bill.
People write me and talk about my ministry.
My ministry is a ministry of freedom.
And I want everybody to stay just as free as they can for as long as they can.
And one of the things that they have to do is not just allow anybody into the militia, not pay any attention to all these stupid rumors that are flying around, because there are people out there who want those of us Let's go to Article 1, Section 10.
the right thing to do the wrong thing.
That's very true.
So we have to be very careful about the misinformation that exists and the disinformation that exists because it abounds out there today.
That's correct.
Okay.
Let's talk a little bit more about Constitution.
Let's go and let's talk.
I always like to talk about money and other things.
Who doesn't?
Let's go to Article 1 Section 10.
It says that no state shall make payment of death anything other than gold or silver coin.
That's right.
She'll make no thing, she'll make anything but gold or silver coin a tender in payments of death, right?
Right.
But now let's go to the last part of the last sentence of Article 1, Section 10, and what does it say?
Unless actually invaded or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.
Right.
We go back to March the 4th, 1933.
We just read that statute at the beginning of the program again.
That all the orders, licenses, regulations issued since March the 4th of 1933 are hereby approved and confirmed.
Roosevelt, in his inaugural address on March the 4th, said, I am going to ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis.
Broad executive power to wage a war against the emergency.
As great as the power that would be given me If we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe, the same as an invasion wasn't it?
So here we see the exceptionary clause again which totally abolished section 10 of our constitution.
So then what effect did this section have when it says that no state shall make anything but gold and silver coin at tender and payment of debt?
Well, it negates everything.
It negated everything, didn't it?
So, consequently, we've seen this country operating now for 61 years with nothing but obligations upon the American people to place them in perpetual and total servitude, with no ability to repay upon this credit money that was issued there on March the 9th of 1933.
In fact, in a debt-based economy, when you pay off a debt with a note, which is nothing but another instrument of debt, you are literally Absolutely.
And the law cannot apply, can it?
Because the common law approaches the finality of the transaction.
That's right.
You see, when I paid you for, let's say, a chicken with a gold dollar... I wish I had a chicken.
I understand.
At that point it was over, wasn't it Bill?
Yes.
It's finished.
There was no other things left to be done.
That's right.
But if I tried to tender you with a note...
That's right and if I use that note to purchase something from someone else then I have compounded the problem.
Before you could ever get paid, you have to go try to collect from whoever was the obligee on that note.
That's right.
And if I use that note to purchase something from someone else, then I have compounded the problem.
That's right.
And so it goes on and on ad infinitum, and it never terminates.
As a result, the law cannot apply to that case in it.
No.
Therefore, the common law was abolished upon the seizures of our goal by those war powers on March the 9th of That's right.
But it goes further than that.
Let's also take another look at Section 10 of our Constitution, where it says that no state shall enter into any agreement or compact with another state.
You see, that was again the separation of powers of the states, wasn't it?
It said that no state shall enter into any agreement or compact with another state unless actually invaded and so on.
So only under the war powers can our states form compacts with other states.
Not only with other states, but with the Federal District of Columbia, which is a state itself.
Yes, or it said with any foreign power, which the federal government was foreign to the states, wasn't it?
It's also a foreign power, yes.
And absolutely.
Once it began to enter into all the international agreements and alliances, it became a one-world state.
Right.
Now, with that in mind, let's take a look at the Conference of States that's now been called by Governor Levin.
Now, let's take a look at the Conference of States that this Conference of States has been called, or is in the process of ratification, the resolutions are being passed among the states, to call for this convention, which could become a con-con.
That's a constitutional convention, to amend our Constitution.
But if we look at that amendment, or that resolution that's being adopted by the states across the country as we speak tonight, That resolution says that this conference is being convened under the auspices of a 501C3 corporation, under the auspices of the Council of State Governments, which was formed back in 1933.
Actually, 1930.
Yes, even before that.
Yes, I agree.
How can a corporation of states, a federal corporation, is that a compact and agreement among states?
I'm sorry, I was talking to someone here, Gene.
I didn't hear what you had to say.
Well, the question I was just saying is, is a corporation, is that a compact among states?
No.
Yes, it is, isn't it?
Well, if it's between states, yes.
Well, sure.
And so we see that the very thing that is being called upon to make this constitutional convention is in itself, and of itself, unconstitutional under our peacetime constitution.
Therefore, I think it's critically important that we begin to bring these issues out to all of our listeners.
As they begin to hear more and more about this conference of states that's going to be held, that they realize this thing is totally and completely unlawful under our Constitution.
And that we must stand up and make sure that this conference does not go on to turn into a constitutional convention to try to amend the Constitution.
The other thing that's critically important is Under our Constitution, we allow legitimate means by which it can be amended.
But let me ask this question.
If the Constitution is in fact suspended under the War Powers, can it be amended?
How can something that's suspended be amended?
Very important question.
And a very important concept.
So if we have no Constitution, Well, those of us who understand this understand that this is just a play for the public.
If they believe it is done by a legal body that is legally empowered to do it, the public is likely to accept it.
When, in fact, this organization that is bringing this about is the same organization put together by Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations That's very true.
So, therefore, I think this is another project that people have to begin to understand and look at very closely.
That this is one that can certainly be used to our detriment, so we have to be aware of what's going on there.
One other thing that I think we need to talk about on the positive side.
What we've done in Kansas City in terms of the political fields as to what we're going to do to try to begin to correct the problems that we have.
Tonight we've talked about the reformation of the common law, the body politic of the common law people and the common law court as another step in a means to begin to correct the wrongs that exist.
Another thing I think we need to talk about that is going on across the country today is the movement on the part of states.
begin to correct the situation.
Some of our leaders alike.
Excuse me, Gene.
Is that really a movement to correct, or is that another scam?
Because I've talked extensively with Walt Myers about this and with Governor Mecham, and they seem to think that it's not really what it appears to be.
You mean with the Conference of the States or with the Tenth Amendment resolutions?
No, I'm talking about with what came out of the meeting of governors.
Right.
So, okay, the meeting with governors, the Conference of the States, I think, could easily be a scam.
But living in the country.
No, no, no.
I'm talking about the paper that the governors put together saying that they want to correct this stuff and they want to do the Tenth Amendment resolutions and all this.
I forget what it's called.
Okay, that was called the Gettys, or what was it, the Resolves there from... Williamsburg.
Williamsburg.
Williamsburg Resolves.
Yeah, Williamsburg Resolves.
That's when I was talking about the Conference of the States.
But let's not confuse that, Bill.
Well, I don't want to, because you're talking... I'm talking about the Williamsburg Resolve, and we're talking about the Conference of States that's proposed, and those are two different things.
Okay, are those two different things?
I thought they were one and the same.
No, the Conference of States that's being called in the future, that's going to be, in effect, a constitutional convention, is not The Williamsburg Resolve that came out of a previous meeting of governors where they drew up this resolution.
Okay, well anyway, in spite of that, now let me talk about the other aspect of the state's movements.
This is the one that's being headed up by some of our state people like Charlie Duke, a senator from Colorado, Senator Don Rogers, they're from California, and former Governor Evan Meacham of Arizona, and some of the others.
That they were the ones who began to put together and promote the 10th Amendment resolutions.
That's right.
That was re-declaring the sovereignty of the state.
Now realize, on March the 6th, before Roosevelt declared the emergency government, this war government, that he first called a convention of the states.
And that convention of the states passed by unanimous resolution that Congress give Roosevelt this broad power, this war power.
The feeling of the 10th Amendment Resolution people within the states is that if the states could give the sovereignty of the states away by resolution, then we could take it back through resolution.
Now this is the other state's movement that has started, the 10th Amendment Resolution groups, that says the only power the federal government has is what we gave it in the Constitution.
Yeah, but I have to jump in here again, because I've studied this 10th Amendment Resolution thing, and it is absolutely A scam from the point of view that a resolution without an active clause has no force of law.
And if the states are not willing to back up their declarations or resolutions with a military force, then they're just masturbating.
Yes, they are.
Yes, they are.
So realizing that it takes work within the states to get them to back it up.
That's right.
Now, I understand Charlie Duke is trying to institute some legislation in Colorado that will put an active clause in some force of law into the resolution passed by the state of Colorado.
Is that correct?
It's called the Federal Mandates Act.
And yes, we begin to put the... and realizing it's a struggle.
Don't get me wrong.
That saying that the state governments aren't any better than the federal government, because in many cases they're not.
In some cases, maybe even worse.
But at least it's another step, a beginning step to try to make some steps in the right direction.
Yeah, and as long as they're incorporated in the federal body, and as long as they're accepting federal funds, they can say whatever they want, nothing's going to change.
That's very true.
That's very true.
And of course, as long as they're accepting federal funds, this connotes the idea that the federal government is going to take the funds from the people in the first place.
Yeah.
And as long as that's going on, Then we remain in servitude, we remain in bondage, and of course there's no place we can go under that situation ever, eventually into a total collapse.
Right.
So anyway, I just wanted to make that point, that at least there's another movement out there, space rights movements, that are beginning to try to make some legitimate steps to re-declare the sovereignty of the states and the people of the states.
to try to take this Constitution back and get it back away from that federal government and this war power that we exist under.
Right.
Also, folks, I want you to understand that I'm not trying to throw monkey wrenches in here.
What I'm trying to do is make everybody realize what the truth is, and I don't want anybody to be out there fooling themselves.
We have to understand the real truth and the real situation, and only then can we deal with it.
And I think we have to be realistic, Bill, in that all of the things we're talking about, whether it be all the parties coming together to try to elect one president, they can go up and terminate.
Or whether it be the people reforming their state courts and their state body, common law bodies, to begin to take it back that way.
Or whether it be through the states that realize that all of these are only in the beginning steps and they've all got a million miles to go.
So that we've got to have support, massive support among the peoples of our country.
And we've got to have people out there with knowledge that begins to fundamentally and specifically understand what went wrong and specifically what we have to do to correct it.
Education is a critical factor in whether this country survives or fails to survive as we know it.
In my estimation, education has been the major task that we have had before us ever since I can remember and still looms large in the future.
And that's what the hour of the time is all about.
That's why I wrote my book.
That's what the newspaper is for.
I know that's what you're engaged in.
And I know that you have a huge, weighty schedule appearing on radio stations all across the country and speaking and running back and forth to do things like you're doing in Las Vegas.
And we need many, many more people to begin to do this, but they have to come from a source of knowledge.
And they've got to come from a source of real research dealing with facts and not all this baloney that's floating around in the so-called patriot communities, which in my estimation largely doesn't exist.
You've got about three or four minutes left, Gene.
Is there something that you'd like to leave us with in that amount of time?
Yeah, let me give a phone number.
I just talked with one of the fellows in Kansas there that will be helping to coordinate this common law setting here in Wichita.
Let me give his phone number.
It's Ed Petroski.
His phone number is 316-546-2465.
That's 316-546-2465.
316-546-2465.
So that anybody that might be interested in that court that's going to center in that setting there in Wichita, they can give Ed a call and begin to get some information upon that.
Yeah, and don't think you're going to call and get to sit on the court, folks.
It's like any court.
The jurors are drawn by lot, and if you want your name put in the hat, I guess calling Ed would be the best way to do it.
Yes, that would be one way to begin to get the information.
Also, you have a book.
Why don't you tell us a little bit about your book?
Okay.
Just before Christmas, we released a book called Constitution Factor Fiction.
Let's begin to take a real realistic look at where we're at today and to show the programs that were instituted upon this country that in essence amounted to a nationalization.
The subtitle of that book is The Story of a Nation's Descent from a Constitutional Republic through a Constitutional Dictatorship to an Unconstitutional Dictatorship.
And if anyone would be interested in information on that book, I'll give an 800 number.
It's 1-800-610-4908.
That number again is 1-800-610-4908.
And other than that, if anyone would like to contact us personally, let me give the address there in Campbell at the American Agriculture Movement office.
That's just AAM, standing for the American Agriculture Movement, Box 130, Campo, C-A-M-P-O, Colorado, 81029.
Wanna repeat that one time?
Say it one more time.
That's AAM, Box 130, Campo, C-A-M-P-O, Colorado, 81029.
Well, Gene, how about some words of wisdom to leave the people to think with tonight?
Thank you.
All we can do is do the best we can do, and let's hope we get a lot of help from above.
And you're just one lonely, helpless person, just as vulnerable as anybody else out there listening.
And if you can do what you're doing, just think what all those people who haven't been doing anything yet can accomplish if they just want to.
If they just want to, Bill.
Everyone pulling a little bit can pull anything there is.
That's right.
Thank you, Gene, for being a wonderful guest.
And thank you for all the information that you brought, your years of study and expertise.
And thank you so much from the bottom of my heart for all that you've done and all that you continue to do.
Well, Bill, I can't tell you how much I appreciate the programs like you're putting on here tonight, and thank you very much also.
And folks, good night, and God bless each and every single one of you.
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