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Mainstream media. | |
| Government cover-ups. | ||
| You want answers? | ||
| Well, so does he. | ||
| He's Alex Jones on the GCN Radio Network. | ||
| And now, live from Austin, Texas, Alex Jones. | ||
| Welcome back, my friends, to the second hour of the broadcast. | ||
| We're going to be joined by, you know, Chomsky coming up here in just a couple minutes. | ||
| He is an institute professor. | ||
| Linguistics and Semantical Syntax and Philosophy of Language at MIT in Massachusetts. | ||
| And he's written books like Manufacturing Consent, an excellent video, also titled Manufacturing Consent. | ||
| And it goes into how they stage things. | ||
| How they will have a supposed debate on television, but the people debating are actually on the same side. | ||
| They're just debating the exact implementation. | ||
| By just a few degrees giving you the psychological illusion that there's really some type of difference so that in your mind you're going to fall in supposedly either phony camp being steered in the direction they wish. | ||
| Now that's how I put it. | ||
| Chomsky does it in a little bit more sophisticated fashion. | ||
| But they do this all the time. | ||
| Just every level of propaganda you can imagine. | ||
| He also gets into what the editors do. | ||
| And this also fits into the whole moral relativism debate because what does is is mean with Bill Clinton? | ||
| It's simply a way to neutralize any type of dissent. | ||
| And it's working wonders upon the minds of the American people. | ||
| It's like Republican, Democrat, Liberal, Conservative. | ||
| Liberals, Conservatives, you look at what they do at the top, they're all the same people. | ||
| The political left has secret police that wear black uniforms and ski masks. | ||
| The political right has police that wear black uniforms and ski masks around the world. | ||
| Centralized government, and they tell you to be in the middle of that system? | ||
| More semantical deceptions. | ||
| corralling thoughts and ideas. | ||
| Giving you phony decisions, phony tips. | ||
| That, my friends, is the essence of modern mind control behavioral modification. | ||
| And until you realize that the sitcoms and the cartoons have more propaganda in them than the newspaper or the nightly news, You will not even begin to scratch the surface of the level of this inculcation, | ||
| of this soaking into the propaganda state. | ||
| Every facet, every level, deluged, infested the human minds like a computer. | ||
| Garbage in, garbage out. | ||
| And they're training us with phony meanings for words. | ||
| They are conditioning us to believe in a false political paradigm and systems. | ||
| That's basically what it boils down to. | ||
| And Noam Chomsky calls it manufacturing consent. | ||
| The phony choice between the Republicans and the Democrats. | ||
| This huge globalist corporate state that claims that it's capitalist. | ||
| How is it capitalist to use huge government international bureaucracies to go after your competition? | ||
| To take in massive sums of corporate welfare. | ||
| And then to be able to twist the debate into a fight over aren't we going to take care of the poor? | ||
| And that really has nothing to do with it. | ||
| That's semantical deception, ladies and gentlemen. | ||
| Joining us is Professor Noam Chomsky from MIT. | ||
| Professor, it's a real honor to have you on the show. | ||
| Glad to be with you. | ||
| You bet. | ||
| Tell us a little bit about yourself and about the studies you've done and some of the books you've... | ||
| Well, I have two parallel and separate lives. | ||
| One of them is what they pay me to do at MIT, that linguistics. | ||
| The others, what they would probably pay me not to do, that's being involved in a whole variety of social and political issues, international affairs, the international economy. | ||
| The foreign policy problems, just about anything you can think of that's in the front pages of the newspapers. | ||
| And one part of that which has interested me for many years is this kind of analysis of ideological institutions that includes the intellectual culture, but specifically the media, which I spend a lot of time on. | ||
| So it's that collection of topics. | ||
| What kind of system do we live in? | ||
| That requires an essay. | ||
| Well, I would call it almost a matrix-like system where 98% of people don't even know the real parameters of power that surround them. | ||
| Phony paradigms and systems of phony left-right with all the roads leading towards a centralized, highly controlled corporate bureaucracy. | ||
| I agree with that. | ||
| But I think the only thing I would add is a kind of a footnote. | ||
| ...is that that marginalization of the public that you're describing is quite purposeful and conscious, self-conscious. | ||
| So, especially through the 20... | ||
| Actually, it goes back to the founding of the country, but it's particularly in the 20th century. | ||
| There has been a very self-conscious, explicit effort. | ||
| I mean, you don't have to make it up. | ||
| Nothing speculative, but the leaders say so. | ||
| Business leaders, intellectuals, academic, social scientists, and others say... | ||
| That it is important to keep the public out of things. | ||
| It's important to ensure that the public remain what are called spectators, not participants. | ||
| They are supposed to be directed to other concerns and not interfere with policy formation. | ||
| That is a major phenomenon developed in the more democratic countries, in the United States and England particularly, through the... | ||
| And the reason was very clear. | ||
| By the early 20th century, it was becoming very difficult to control people by other means. | ||
| The voting franchise was extending. | ||
| Labor unions were developing. | ||
| Women were demanding the vote. | ||
| I mean, the countries, especially England and the United States, were simply becoming more democratic. | ||
| And it was recognized early on that if you can't control people by force or, | ||
| know, poverty or some other means, you are going to have to control them by what was quite openly called propaganda at the time. | ||
| People don't like the term propaganda anymore, but that was used. | ||
| I mean, that's where the U.S. public relations industry was. | ||
| So Professor Chomsky, they developed, put out their papers that I've read. | ||
| From the Carnegie Endowment and others that mind control, behavioral modification is much cheaper and much more effective than tanks and guns. | ||
| And it's the only thing you can do because in the more democratic countries you can't control people with tanks and guns. | ||
| I mean, maybe to some limited extent, but not very much. | ||
| There's too much freedom. | ||
| It was understood very well and it is kind of striking that it's in the two main democratic countries, England and the United States. | ||
| It was realized in parallel about the same time that you're going to have to control people by what was called regimenting the public mind by ideological control. | ||
| That's where the term manufacturing consent comes from. | ||
| Well, take Bush and Clinton. | ||
| They have the exact same policies on land grabbing, selling out sovereignty, deindustrialization, drugging the children. | ||
| But you ask the average person, they have this... | ||
| Well, I... | ||
| Maybe I'm naive, but I have more faith in the public than that. | ||
| My feeling is that the general public is rather well aware of this, and I think it shows up in... | ||
| There are... | ||
| You know, there's a lot of public opinion study in the United States, mainly because business... | ||
| It wants to keep its finger on the public pulse. | ||
| They want to know what people are thinking. | ||
| So we have a pretty trustworthy and very extensive polling industry. | ||
| And what comes out of public attitudes, I think, is kind of revealing. | ||
| So for the last 20 years or so, about 80% of the population, when they're asked, what do you think the country, you know, who runs the government or what does it do, the answer that they pick out of a set of choices is... | ||
| The government works for the few and the special interests, not the people. | ||
| And in fact, in the last election, just last November, there's a big project at Harvard University called the Vanishing Voter Project where they study attitudes towards elections and so on. | ||
| Right before the election, so this has nothing to do with shenanigans in Florida, but before the election, about 75% of the population felt that there was no election. | ||
| going on in any sense that involved them. | ||
| What was happening was some kind of game involving rich contributors, party bosses, the public relations industry, which crafts the candidates to say for | ||
| particular things and have particular gestures, which you can't believe what they say. | ||
| This was a large majority of the population. | ||
| And they wouldn't even let Ralph Nader end of the debate when he had a ticket. | ||
| They wouldn't. | ||
| And there was a huge attack against him, mainly from the kind of more liberal press. | ||
| Because he was regarded as disrupting the system of, you know, basically two factions of one party. | ||
| I mean, the two factions are different. | ||
| I don't say that Democrats and Republicans are identical. | ||
| But they share fundamental interests, and those are the interests of their corporate backers. | ||
| Not very surprising, if it was otherwise. | ||
| The one thing where I'm not convinced by what you say is that I think the public is largely aware of it. | ||
| Oh no, sir, I agree with you. | ||
| I know they're cynical, they know something's wrong, they smell the dead body under the floor, but they can't... | ||
| I don't know what to do. | ||
| In fact, that's an important point, and I think you're right about that. | ||
| One of the things that is measured in these studies is what's called hopelessness. | ||
| Helplessness, sorry, helplessness. | ||
| Like, do you feel there's nothing you can do about it? | ||
| That figure has been going up, and it's reached its... | ||
| Historical peak last November. | ||
| Professor Chomsky, we've got to break. | ||
| Coming up the next segment, I really appreciate you joining us because I'm obsessed with this stuff. | ||
| It seems to be the only game in town. | ||
| We really want to fight this. | ||
| I want to talk about their modes of control, examples of propaganda, how they split people's minds and corral the information they receive when we return with Noam Chomsky from MIT. | ||
|
unidentified
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| Because there's a war on for your mind. | ||
| That's right. | ||
| That's my motto. | ||
| That's my slogan. | ||
| Up on InfoWars.com, my premier website, from Reuters, yesterday invited his speakers, Bill Clinton and Tony Blair, were groomed at the Bilderberg meeting before rising to fame as U.S. President and British Prime Minister. | ||
| respectively. They go on to brag about how they run our country. | ||
| I was a kook three years ago to talk about this huge corporate elite, and now they're throwing it in our face. | ||
| Is that, Professor Chomsky, part of the hopelessness that they're trying to instill in us? | ||
| I've seen a shift in the propaganda in the last three years from denying all of this to throwing it in our face. | ||
| Could be, but I think... | ||
| My own feeling is the roots go back farther. | ||
| If you go back again to the early part of the 1920s, approximately, that's when this stuff really takes off. | ||
| Madison Avenue? | ||
| Yeah, that's when the public relations industry really exploded. | ||
| And it grew on the basis of the very sensible assumption that was pretty clearly articulated that we have to somehow make sure that the general public does not make use of the... | ||
| Democratic opportunities that are available to them and leaves us to run the place as we've been doing. | ||
| And the way to do it was, you read the business leaders are saying, look, we have to induce what's called a philosophy of futility. | ||
| They actually use the phrase. | ||
| We have to kind of direct people to superficial things like fashionable consumption. | ||
| Football. Yeah, something. | ||
| Anything that doesn't bother us. | ||
| Bread and circus. | ||
| Yeah, just anything like that. | ||
| I mean, that's true of leading intellectuals. | ||
| I mean, take, say, Walter Lippmann, who is the leading figure in the U.S. elite media in the 20th century, major public intellectual. | ||
| He's the one who invented the phrase manufacturer of consent. | ||
| We borrowed it from him. | ||
| And he thought it was necessary. | ||
| It's necessary to manufacture consent in order to make sure that we, what he called the responsible men, can run the affairs of the world without being bothered. | ||
| And what he didn't say, but what is crucial is your point, that people, you become a responsible man if you're serving the interests of concentrated private power. | ||
| Professor Chomsky? | ||
| During the break we were talking about, I just observed this, they will have somebody on TV, both sides are taking private property under the guise of environmentalism, and they're both really on the same side, but they act like this is the two choices, that there's an actual debate going on when it's not controlling the entire system of thought. | ||
| What do you call that? | ||
| Well, I think a sensible, like if you and I were to sit down and invent a system, an effective system of propaganda, we wouldn't. | ||
| Have a unique party line, you know, coming from the Kremlin or something, which everybody could detect and nobody would believe. | ||
| Like in the Soviet Union, nobody believed the propaganda because the force was so plain and the source was so obvious that they didn't believe it. | ||
| The intelligent way to design a propaganda system is to present the illusion of debate, but within a fixed framework that you're not allowed to escape. | ||
| So you start with certain assumptions. | ||
| Everyone has to accept those assumptions or they're not admitted into the discussion. | ||
| Once you accept those assumptions, you want to stimulate the most lively and intense debate and controversy, but ensuring that those assumptions are maintained. | ||
| Anybody questions those assumptions, they're just not part of the discussion. | ||
| So we feel like we're part of the decision-making process when we're actually just cheerleading for what the elite want to report. | ||
| Yeah, we're choosing among... | ||
| Things that concentrated power really doesn't care that much about. | ||
| You see this very clearly. | ||
| Take, say, one of the major issues for the public. | ||
| Look at polls, and it's understandable. | ||
| Are these international economic agreements, the things that are called free trade agreements. | ||
| That's not what they are. | ||
| Those are very big issues for the public. | ||
| People are very much worried about the trade deficit, because they know that affects their jobs. | ||
| China has a 40% tariff on us. | ||
| We have a 2% on them. | ||
| They call that free trade. | ||
| You're not an isolationist, are you? | ||
| No, I'm not. | ||
| No, but that's what they say. | ||
| Of course. | ||
| The point I'm trying to make is this. | ||
| These are very big issues for the population. | ||
| They're also big issues for the business world. | ||
| But the population and the business world happens to be on opposite sides. | ||
| Therefore, the issues do not arise in political campaigns. | ||
| So, like, for example, the free trade area of the Americas, which is an enormous agreement with a lot of consequences, that has yet to be discussed in the media. | ||
| It's been negotiated for three years. | ||
| It finally broke through at the helmet of the Americas meeting in Quebec. | ||
| There was such a furor over it. | ||
| It had to be mentioned. | ||
| But it's been under negotiation for a couple of years by corporate... | ||
| Managers by trade ministers of governments who are basically corporate representatives. | ||
| The media know all about it, but they don't want the public to know. | ||
| It did not come up in the political campaign. | ||
| The nature of these arrangements has yet to be made public. | ||
| I mean, you can sort of figure it out by either a research project, but these things are not made available to the public, and it's for a very clear reason. | ||
| Our final segment with the professor with solutions coming up. | ||
|
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This is GCN. |
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