Alex Jones and Noam Chomsky dissect media manipulation, revealing how staged debates create a false illusion of choice while serving corporate interests. They argue that since the early 20th century, leaders have deliberately marginalized the public through propaganda rather than force, fostering a "philosophy of futility" that distracts citizens with consumption. Despite 80% of Americans recognizing government bias toward special interests, historical peaks in helplessness prevent effective action against harmful policies like free trade agreements. Ultimately, the discussion exposes how the PR industry and media frameworks suppress fundamental questions about power, maintaining control through psychological conditioning rather than overt coercion. [Automatically generated summary]
Welcome back, my friends, to the second hour of the broadcast.
We're going to be joined by, you know, Chomsky coming up here in just a couple minutes.
He is an institute professor.
Linguistics and Semantical Syntax and Philosophy of Language at MIT in Massachusetts.
And he's written books like Manufacturing Consent, an excellent video, also titled Manufacturing Consent.
And it goes into how they stage things.
How they will have a supposed debate on television, but the people debating are actually on the same side.
They're just debating the exact implementation.
By just a few degrees giving you the psychological illusion that there's really some type of difference so that in your mind you're going to fall in supposedly either phony camp being steered in the direction they wish.
Now that's how I put it.
Chomsky does it in a little bit more sophisticated fashion.
But they do this all the time.
Just every level of propaganda you can imagine.
He also gets into what the editors do.
And this also fits into the whole moral relativism debate because what does is is mean with Bill Clinton?
It's simply a way to neutralize any type of dissent.
And it's working wonders upon the minds of the American people.
It's like Republican, Democrat, Liberal, Conservative.
Liberals, Conservatives, you look at what they do at the top, they're all the same people.
The political left has secret police that wear black uniforms and ski masks.
The political right has police that wear black uniforms and ski masks around the world.
Centralized government, and they tell you to be in the middle of that system?
More semantical deceptions.
corralling thoughts and ideas.
Giving you phony decisions, phony tips.
That, my friends, is the essence of modern mind control behavioral modification.
And until you realize that the sitcoms and the cartoons have more propaganda in them than the newspaper or the nightly news, You will not even begin to scratch the surface of the level of this inculcation,
of this soaking into the propaganda state.
Every facet, every level, deluged, infested the human minds like a computer.
Garbage in, garbage out.
And they're training us with phony meanings for words.
They are conditioning us to believe in a false political paradigm and systems.
That's basically what it boils down to.
And Noam Chomsky calls it manufacturing consent.
The phony choice between the Republicans and the Democrats.
This huge globalist corporate state that claims that it's capitalist.
How is it capitalist to use huge government international bureaucracies to go after your competition?
To take in massive sums of corporate welfare.
And then to be able to twist the debate into a fight over aren't we going to take care of the poor?
And that really has nothing to do with it.
That's semantical deception, ladies and gentlemen.
Joining us is Professor Noam Chomsky from MIT.
Professor, it's a real honor to have you on the show.
One of them is what they pay me to do at MIT, that linguistics.
The others, what they would probably pay me not to do, that's being involved in a whole variety of social and political issues, international affairs, the international economy.
The foreign policy problems, just about anything you can think of that's in the front pages of the newspapers.
And one part of that which has interested me for many years is this kind of analysis of ideological institutions that includes the intellectual culture, but specifically the media, which I spend a lot of time on.
And it's the only thing you can do because in the more democratic countries you can't control people with tanks and guns.
I mean, maybe to some limited extent, but not very much.
There's too much freedom.
It was understood very well and it is kind of striking that it's in the two main democratic countries, England and the United States.
It was realized in parallel about the same time that you're going to have to control people by what was called regimenting the public mind by ideological control.
That's where the term manufacturing consent comes from.
Maybe I'm naive, but I have more faith in the public than that.
My feeling is that the general public is rather well aware of this, and I think it shows up in...
There are...
You know, there's a lot of public opinion study in the United States, mainly because business...
It wants to keep its finger on the public pulse.
They want to know what people are thinking.
So we have a pretty trustworthy and very extensive polling industry.
And what comes out of public attitudes, I think, is kind of revealing.
So for the last 20 years or so, about 80% of the population, when they're asked, what do you think the country, you know, who runs the government or what does it do, the answer that they pick out of a set of choices is...
The government works for the few and the special interests, not the people.
And in fact, in the last election, just last November, there's a big project at Harvard University called the Vanishing Voter Project where they study attitudes towards elections and so on.
Right before the election, so this has nothing to do with shenanigans in Florida, but before the election, about 75% of the population felt that there was no election.
going on in any sense that involved them.
What was happening was some kind of game involving rich contributors, party bosses, the public relations industry, which crafts the candidates to say for
particular things and have particular gestures, which you can't believe what they say.
I want to talk about their modes of control, examples of propaganda, how they split people's minds and corral the information they receive when we return with Noam Chomsky from MIT.
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Trade Assumptionsnegoitated00:05:54
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Up on InfoWars.com, my premier website, from Reuters, yesterday invited his speakers, Bill Clinton and Tony Blair, were groomed at the Bilderberg meeting before rising to fame as U.S. President and British Prime Minister.
respectively. They go on to brag about how they run our country.
I was a kook three years ago to talk about this huge corporate elite, and now they're throwing it in our face.
Is that, Professor Chomsky, part of the hopelessness that they're trying to instill in us?
I've seen a shift in the propaganda in the last three years from denying all of this to throwing it in our face.
Yeah, that's when the public relations industry really exploded.
And it grew on the basis of the very sensible assumption that was pretty clearly articulated that we have to somehow make sure that the general public does not make use of the...
Democratic opportunities that are available to them and leaves us to run the place as we've been doing.
And the way to do it was, you read the business leaders are saying, look, we have to induce what's called a philosophy of futility.
They actually use the phrase.
We have to kind of direct people to superficial things like fashionable consumption.
I mean, take, say, Walter Lippmann, who is the leading figure in the U.S. elite media in the 20th century, major public intellectual.
He's the one who invented the phrase manufacturer of consent.
We borrowed it from him.
And he thought it was necessary.
It's necessary to manufacture consent in order to make sure that we, what he called the responsible men, can run the affairs of the world without being bothered.
And what he didn't say, but what is crucial is your point, that people, you become a responsible man if you're serving the interests of concentrated private power.
During the break we were talking about, I just observed this, they will have somebody on TV, both sides are taking private property under the guise of environmentalism, and they're both really on the same side, but they act like this is the two choices, that there's an actual debate going on when it's not controlling the entire system of thought.
Well, I think a sensible, like if you and I were to sit down and invent a system, an effective system of propaganda, we wouldn't.
Have a unique party line, you know, coming from the Kremlin or something, which everybody could detect and nobody would believe.
Like in the Soviet Union, nobody believed the propaganda because the force was so plain and the source was so obvious that they didn't believe it.
The intelligent way to design a propaganda system is to present the illusion of debate, but within a fixed framework that you're not allowed to escape.
So you start with certain assumptions.
Everyone has to accept those assumptions or they're not admitted into the discussion.
Once you accept those assumptions, you want to stimulate the most lively and intense debate and controversy, but ensuring that those assumptions are maintained.
Anybody questions those assumptions, they're just not part of the discussion.
But the population and the business world happens to be on opposite sides.
Therefore, the issues do not arise in political campaigns.
So, like, for example, the free trade area of the Americas, which is an enormous agreement with a lot of consequences, that has yet to be discussed in the media.
It's been negotiated for three years.
It finally broke through at the helmet of the Americas meeting in Quebec.
There was such a furor over it.
It had to be mentioned.
But it's been under negotiation for a couple of years by corporate...
Managers by trade ministers of governments who are basically corporate representatives.
The media know all about it, but they don't want the public to know.
It did not come up in the political campaign.
The nature of these arrangements has yet to be made public.
I mean, you can sort of figure it out by either a research project, but these things are not made available to the public, and it's for a very clear reason.